Vote
H.R. 3448: Small Cap Liquidity Reform Act of 2013Passed 412/4
Rep. Weber [R-TX14]: Yea
Feb 11, 2014 5:35 p.m.
A good way to look at the dominant issues in the current Houston mayoral election - at least according to the HC's editorial board - and where the candidates stand on them.
- Click here for the article.
Here is a rundown of the issues. It provides a good at what a city does.
- Crime and safety.
- Police hiring.
- Police response times.
- Police reform.
- Firefighters.
- Budget.
- Financial sustainability.
- Procurement and contracting.
- Tax Increment Reinvestment Zones.
- Bike lanes.
- Transportation expansion.
- Affordable housing.
- Permitting.
- Flood-control projects.
- Drainage.
- Solid Waste challenges.
- Garbage fees.
- Illegal dumping.
- Water and sewage rates.
- Leaky pipes.
- Street and drainage fees.
Mayor Sylvester Turner said Wednesday that the White Oak Music Hall development team will not receive a new temporary permit for its outdoor stage.
Turner's statement suggests that unless the developers get a permanent permit and stage for its outdoor venue, the shows scheduled on that stage after Oct. 5 will not legally be able to be held at the new Near Northside music complex.
Turner responded at a City Council meeting Wednesday to developers' comments in a Chronicle article in which developer Will Garwood indicated he planned to take down and then re-erect the temporary stage and request another 6-month temporary permit for the structure. The developers previously told the Chronicle that have "eventual plans" to build a permanent stage but planned to operate the temporary stage in the meantime.
Turner made it clear that plan would not work for his administration.
"No one is going to tear down a stage and come back and get a temporary permit," Turner said. "That's not happening.
"They need to work on a permanent permit and I expect them to take the steps to do that."
Officials in Harris County, Texas said that 240 billion gallons of rain have fallen in the greater Houston area the past couple of days. After the devastating Memorial Day floods in Houston last year, a professor who studies these things called Houston "the number one city in America to be injured and die in a flood.
Samuel Brody, a professor of marine sciences and planning at Texas A&M University and co-author of a book called "Rising Waters The Causes and Consequences of Flooding in the United States."
He said the flooding in Houston is an important reminder that putting people, pavement, and structures in vulnerable areas can lead to disastrous consequences.
"Houston's unique in that it's a low-lying area barely above sea level, it's originally made up of bayous and soils that don't drain too well, and it's a city that's afflicted by flooding from both the sea, saltwater flooding and rainfall based flooding. The problem is not the environmental conditions, the problem is pavement. The city is growing at a tremendous rate over the last fifteen years, we added over 25 percent more pavement in the area, and with pavement and people and structures in environmentally vulnerable places that equates to a lot of flood damage."
The more pavement in former wetlands areas, the more flooding. There's even a formula.
"In the Houston area," Brody said, "every square meter of pavement equates to about $4,000 in extra flood damage. And over the last eleven years, Houston alone has incurred over $3.5 billion in just insured losses to residences and businesses."
Man-made, preventable flooding has surged dirty, sewage-ridden water through Houston living rooms three times now in seven years, yet city government fails to prevent these recurring emergencies.
Really? If losing homes, livelihoods, retirement savings, health and sanity (and at least one life) aren't reasons enough to make emergency detention and drainage improvements, what in the world does it take?
Right now, too many real-estate developments do not detain storm water run-off from their new construction, and instead allow it to flow downstream into other neighborhoods, into people's homes. This new development is responsible for unnecessary flooding of neighborhoods that previously weren't flood plains, weren't prone to flooding. That new development is also responsible for flood insurance rising 100 to 200 percent (before the Tax Day flood) in these non-flood plains.
City government is allowing this to happen. Developers use loopholes and grandfathering to avoid doing what the city's laws require them to do. Is it ethical to allow a new office building to flood an entire neighborhood even if a loophole makes it legal?
And why on earth would a developer be allowed to use tax money (yours and mine) to build the stormwater detention required by law as part of a profit-making project? New development on the north side of I-10 and Gessner is using the already-stressed Conrad Sauer detention basin for a spiffy retail/residential complex under construction. The deal is an interesting card trick: They are making a few improvements to the basin, adding a little drainage near it and — especially important — are going to make the basin look pretty with trails and landscape for their future tenants/residents. They'll get paid back $23 million (taxpayer dollars) for doing this. So they really didn't pay for anything.
For seven years Houston homeowners have begged and pleaded with the mayor (previous and present) and City Council members to treat man-made flooding as urgent, as if it were a deadly fire to put out in a hurry. Yet despite hundreds of emails, calls, meetings, petitions from homeowners' associations (at least 18), Super Neighborhoods, civic associations, and person-after-exhausted-person speaking at City Hall, there is more talk about bike trails and recycling than critical, focused action to address our flooding.
On Wednesday, Rice University’s Kinder Institute for Urban Research confirmed that Mayor Sylvester Turner is not kidding about obliterating Houston’s pot holes.
Kinder Institute researchers set out to make sure that the stats Turner has been keeping on the pothole project's very own website, houstonpotholes.org, are accurate. Between January 4 and February 16, Public Works crews have filled a total of 9,815 potholes — 1,976 of which were reported by citizens on 311 calls. Ninety-five percent of the time, crews fixed potholes reported by citizens within the next business day, as Turner promised upon taking office.
When Kinder did its own analysis of the data, it turned out correct.
“This independent verification confirms that we are delivering on the promise to quickly respond to pothole complaints,” Turner said at a press conference. “This is an example of the new level of customer service I expect city employees to deliver. Now it’s time for us to focus on achieving success for more complicated street repairs.”
Those more complicated repairs include things like street paving and panels that need to be repaired on skid patches — more extensive work that may be covered under ReBuild Houston, an initiative to repair Houston’s streets and drainage infrastructure. If a citizen calls in a pothole that falls under an existing ReBuild Houston project or larger repair project, that pothole won’t be fixed. Potholes also won’t be fixed if they’re on private property or if the crew doesn’t think they're actually hazards. The Kinder Institute recommended that the city find a better way to make this clear to 311 callers, so as to avoid angering citizens.
As for funding the pothole obliteration, Turner said that the city is only using existing funds and those left over from Mayor Annise Parker’s $10 million initiative to do the same.
But to continue at this rate, he said the city might have to expand repair funds for 2017’s budget — and given Turner’s promise to make budget “sacrifices,” that could be tricky.
The development of New York continued without pause for the dead, even in times of epidemic. Greenwich Village, still very much a village in the early 19th century, became a destination for Lower Manhattanites fleeing the “infected districts” during outbreaks of yellow fever. Nonetheless, as the population soared and available space shrank, residents and local leaders alike knew that the city needed to address the bodies, ceaselessly piling up. In the burgeoning metropolis, even Manhattan’s underground was quickly becoming a real estate commodity.
While the odor of decaying bodies was unpleasant enough, New Yorkers also worried that the smell was quite literally making the people of the city sick. When the city suffered its five outbreaks of yellow fever between 1798 and 1822, the cause of the disease was still unknown. (Not until the late 19th century would doctors prove mosquitoes to be its carrier). In a desperate attempt to locate and stop the source of the 1822 epidemic, prominent New York doctors and city leaders noted that the fever’s first case was but a block away from Trinity on Washington and Rector streets. And until the outbreak ended with the first frosts of November, the disease would remain mostly concentrated in the neighborhood just west to the graveyard. Miasma, or polluting vapors that might arise from filth or decay, was long thought to be the cause of disease. The decaying bodies in Trinity churchyard, many of which belonged to victims of yellow fever, and the “noxious air” they produced, might very well be sickening local residents. Manhattan’s burial crisis became a public health crisis too.
“Cities create the platform for the stage upon which all business is done,” said Jim Noteware, a Houston-based real estate developer and former director of Houston’s Department of Housing and Community Development. “Cities create the roads, sewers and waterlines, but they also create human infrastructure, and all of those in Houston — like across many cities in the country — are breaking down.
The Texas attorney general said Friday that the Board of Education can't tell local school districts what textbooks to adopt for their classrooms, interpreting existing state law as limiting the often controversial board's authority.
Republican Ken Paxton stated in an opinion that the board has only those powers "specifically delegated by statute" and that it "may not substitute its judgment for the lawful exercise of those powers and duties by the trustees."
The board's 15 members sanction textbooks for use statewide in a process that has for years been marred by ideological fights over lessons on subjects including evolution, climate change and the influence of biblical figures such as Moses on America's Founding Fathers. Texas has 5.2 million public school students, a textbook market so large that edits made for the board can affect what's published in other states.
But, in 2011, the Legislature approved a law giving school districts the option of adopting classroom materials that haven't won board approval. Relatively few school districts have taken advantage, though the use of iPads and e-readers makes it easier for publishers to tailor books to individual buyers' needs.
Still, Republican board member Barbara Cargill sought clarification on where the 2011 law and others left the board's authority over school districts' textbook approval processes. She said the state board's approval process is done publicly and ensures that textbooks meet state curriculum standards. She said she was worried that local adoption of classroom materials could undermine that.
"I seek to identify the extent of the board's rulemaking authority to ensure that, at the local level, appropriate process and safeguards exist with regard to the adoption and use of instructional materials by a public school," she wrote when asking for the attorney general's opinion in June.
On Saturday, November 15, the Pearland Chamber of Commerce is presenting an in-depth and informative workshop for individuals looking to run for local political offices. The broad overview will be educational for any City, School, County, State or Federal position.
The inaugural Candidate School will provide prospective candidates with the tools to make a good and solid decision to run for office. A summary of the legal rules and regulations on running a good campaign, ethics, interaction with political consultants, elected officials past and present, and vendors of campaign services will be offered.
“The Pearland Chamber feels very strongly about providing the opportunity for individuals who are considering a run for office to learn how the process works and give them some ideas on how to run their campaign. Several elected positions have been sought and are held by past board members of the Chamber, but we have never offered this type of specific education. The Candidate School will provide an in-depth orientation on what to expect” said Carol Artz-Bucek, President /CEO of the Pearland Chamber of Commerce.
The cost for the Candidate School is $75 per participant. The full-day workshop is scheduled to begin at 9:00 a.m. with registration, a casual meet-and-greet session, qualified presenters, a working lunch, a thorough question and answer session with a 3:00 p.m. planned adjournment.
The news: In case the United States' problem with homelessness wasn't bad enough, a forthcoming National Coalition for the Homeless (NCH) report says that 33 U.S. cities now ban or are considering banning the practice of sharing food with homeless people. Four municipalities (Raleigh, N.C.; Myrtle Beach, S.C.; Birmingham, Ala.; and Daytona Beach, Fla.) have recently gone as far as to fine, remove or threaten to throw in jail private groups that work to serve food to the needy instead of letting government-run services do the job.
Why it's happening: The bans are officially instituted to prevent government-run anti-homelessness programs from being diluted. But in practice, many of the same places that are banning food-sharing are the same ones that have criminalized homelessness with harsh and punitive measures. Essentially, they're designed to make being homeless within city limits so unpleasant that the downtrodden have no choice but to leave. Tampa, for example,criminalizes sleeping or storing property in public. Columbia, South Carolina, passed a measure that essentially would have empowered police to ship all homeless people out of town. Detroit PD officers have been accused of illegally taking the homeless and driving them out of the city.
Some city officials, like Houston's Mayor Annise Parker, claim that "making it easier for someone to stay on the streets is not humane" and say that uncoordinated charity efforts "keep them on the street longer, which is what happens when you feed them."
A new complementary urban model is now emerging, giving rise to what we and others are calling “innovation districts.” These districts, by our definition, are geographic areas where leading-edge anchor institutions and companies cluster and connect with start-ups, business incubators and accelerators. They are also physically compact, transit-accessible, and technically-wired and offer mixed-use housing, office, and retail.
Innovation districts are the manifestation of mega-trends altering the location preferences of people and firms and, in the process, re-conceiving the very link between economy shaping, place making and social networking.
Our most creative institutions, firms and workers crave proximity so that ideas and knowledge can be transferred more quickly and seamlessly. Our “open innovation” economy rewards collaboration, transforming how buildings and entire districts are designed and spatially arrayed. Our diverse population demands more and better choices of where to live, work and play, fueling demand for more walkable neighborhoods where housing, jobs and amenities intermix.
Led by an eclectic group of institutions and leaders, innovation districts are emerging in dozens of cities and metropolitan areas in the United States and abroad and already reflect distinctive typologies and levels of formal planning. Globally, Barcelona, Berlin, London, Medellin, Montreal, Seoul, Stockholm and Toronto contain examples of evolving districts. In the United States, districts are emerging near anchor institutions in the downtowns and midtowns of cities like Atlanta, Baltimore, Buffalo, Cambridge, Cleveland, Detroit, Houston, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis and San Diego.
Just as in the past shipping, railway and then highway systems have played vital roles in determining a city's economic power, global air transportation systems will do so in the future for cities, regions and countries. Rome's Caesar had it relatively easy. When a new road was needed, he commanded it to be built. Modern leaders do not have that luxury. To become an international hub, a city must first have sufficient demand for air travel, the right geographic location and a highly developed infrastructure to handle passengers and freight. Yet having all three in place does not guarantee success.
Today, local or even national aviation policy decisions can make or break a city's vision of becoming an international hub, and good policy- making is not easy. It is a complex process requiring insight into more than local political, socioeconomic and environmental issues - often the overriding concerns of policy-makers. Sound policy also requires extensive understanding of global marketplace dynamics, the economics of airline operations and the long-term impact of policy decisions on local business and industry and consumer behavior - factors more complicated than policy-makers may think.
Once every two weeks or so, in the six months after Houston's first light rail line opened in 2004, a car crashed into the dazzling fountain that flanks the tracks downtown. In the first year of operation, the light rail was involved in 67 collisions. Folks took to calling it the Wham-Bam-Tram. Some drivers never learned to coexist with the newcomer at all, opting instead for parallel side streets. With its lush lawns, large floor plans and sprawling footprint, Houston is a famously spacious city. But the roads never seem wide enough.
Ten years later, the city is in the midst of a second burst of light rail expansion. Five additional miles of track opened in December; two new lines are set to follow later this year. At the center of Greater Houston, a metro area the size of Massachusetts, two-dozen miles of track may not seem like much. (Even some supporters of the project refer to it as the "toy train.") Yet in America's fourth largest city, light rail remains a political and cultural flashpoint far out of proportion to its modest size.
To opponents, it is a prime example of government waste — a vanity project flawed not only in its execution but in its aim of enabling Houstonians to travel without cars. Houston's sprawling size is coupled with a year-round average high temperature of 80 degrees, which critics say make walkable design a pipe dream. Congressman John Culberson, who represents West Houston in Washington and is light rail's chief political adversary, recalls a 19th-century saying that still explains the local love for cars: A Texan will not walk if he can ride a horse. "People's attitudes haven't changed," he says. "You are dead in the water in Houston if you don't have a car."
But the people themselves have changed — no American metro has grown faster than Greater Houston over the last quarter-century, making it one of the most diverse areas in the United States — and they might be taking the city with them. Stephen Klineberg, co-director of the Kinder Institute for Urban Research at Rice University, divides Houston's history into three periods: the sleepy streetcar town, the city structured by the freedom of the automobile, and the metropolis yearning for freedom from the automobile. "There's a vision: retail downstairs, residents upstairs, shade trees, sidewalk cafes," says Klineberg. "This is, in general, a city self-consciously reinventing itself for the 21st century."
State officials have rejected a request from Sheriff Adrian Garcia to increase the capacity of the Harris County Jail and said local leaders have not done enough in recent years to reduce the inmate population.
The inmate population at the state's largest lockup has fallen in recent months after exceeding building capacity for the first time in two years last September, but the Sheriff's Office says it is too close for comfort. The population is known to swell in the summer months by as much as 1,000 inmates, said spokesman Alan Bernstein, noting that Garcia's request was intended to create some "flexibility" as county leaders work to reduce the jail population.
The building capacity of the county jail system is 9,434; the population on Monday was 8,814.
Garcia last week asked the Texas Commission on Jail Standards for permission to increase the number of supplemental beds used when the population swells, replacing 680 hard plastic cots with 1,064 metal bunk beds. He also asked that the jail still be able to use up to 100 mobile cots known as "boats" or "low-riders."
The Texas Commission on Jail Standards agreed only to let Garcia replace the 680 cots with bunk beds to save 5,000 square feet of floor space, keeping the inmate capacity the same.
Commission Executive Director Brandon Wood said Harris County has "made some great strides in regard to being able to reduce their inmate population." Asked if the county has done enough, though, he said the commission was "not provided definite, specific programs" by the county that "they've actually had up and running for any period of time."