For today
- The original constitution.
- The Bill of Rights.
- The amendment 11 - 27.
Select key terms
Chapter 2: The Constitution
- federalism
- national government
- state government
- bicameralism
- the president
- electoral college
- separation of powers
- checks and balances
- classical republicanism
- bill of rights
- incorporate
- originalism
- pragmatism
Chapter 3: Federalism and Nationalism
- federalism
- unitary government
- diffusion
- delegated powers
- commerce clause
- necessary and proper clause
- implied powers
- supremacy clause
- inherent powers
- reserved powers
- concurrent powers
- full faith and credit
- dual federalism
- cooperative federalism
- grants in aid
- new federalism
- block grants
- unfunded mandate
- devolution
- preemption
Chapter 4: Civil Liberties
- civil liberties
- civil rights
- selective incorporation
- privacy
- penumbras and emanations
- judicial rule
- establishment clause
- free exercise clause
- strict separation
- accommodation
- clear and present danger
- symbolic expression
- hate speech
- fighting words
- limited protections
- prior restraint
- Miller test
- rights of the accused
- search and seizure
- exclusionary rule
- rights at trial
- double jeopardy
- miranda warnings
- right to counsel
Wednesday, June 3, 2020
Introducing: The Texas Commission on Law Enforcement
A highly relevant state agency
- Click here for their website.
- Click here for their Wikipedia entry.
The Texas Commission on Law Enforcement or TCOLE, serves as the regulatory agency for all peace officers in Texas, which includes sheriffs and their deputies, constables and their deputies, police officers, marshals, troopers, Texas Rangers, enforcement agents of the Alcoholic Beverage Commission, investigators of the Attorney General, and game wardens. County jailers and public security officers are also regulated by TCOLE.
With the passage of Senate Bill 686 in the 83rd Legislative Session, the commission's name was changed from "Texas Commission on Law Enforcement Officers Standards and Education" to "Texas Commission on Law Enforcement" on January 1, 2014.
- Click here for their most recent report from the Texas Sunset Advisory Commission.
- Self evaluation.
Established in 1965 by the 59th Texas Legislature, the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement Officer Standards and Education was created to conduct studies and make recommendations to the Governor and the Legislature for the establishment of training, education, and certification standards to improve law enforcement performance. Today, the Commission, which was renamed the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement (TCOLE) in 2013, has evolved into a contemporary regulatory agency with six key functions:
1. Establishing minimum standards to obtain and maintain a peace officer, county jailer, telecommunicator, or school marshal license, and issuing licenses to qualified applicants;
2. Overseeing basic training and continuing education requirements to maintain an active license and ensuring compliance;
3. Auditing agencies and training providers for compliance with hiring standards and providing technical assistance;
4. Taking enforcement action against licenses in the event of criminal or administrative violations; Self-Evaluation Report Texas Commission on Law Enforcement 2 September 2019
5. Approving the creation of new law enforcement agencies that meet minimum standards established by the Legislature; and
6. Maintaining TCOLE’s database containing licensee and agency records.
- Click here for their website.
- Click here for their Wikipedia entry.
The Texas Commission on Law Enforcement or TCOLE, serves as the regulatory agency for all peace officers in Texas, which includes sheriffs and their deputies, constables and their deputies, police officers, marshals, troopers, Texas Rangers, enforcement agents of the Alcoholic Beverage Commission, investigators of the Attorney General, and game wardens. County jailers and public security officers are also regulated by TCOLE.
With the passage of Senate Bill 686 in the 83rd Legislative Session, the commission's name was changed from "Texas Commission on Law Enforcement Officers Standards and Education" to "Texas Commission on Law Enforcement" on January 1, 2014.
- Click here for their most recent report from the Texas Sunset Advisory Commission.
- Self evaluation.
Established in 1965 by the 59th Texas Legislature, the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement Officer Standards and Education was created to conduct studies and make recommendations to the Governor and the Legislature for the establishment of training, education, and certification standards to improve law enforcement performance. Today, the Commission, which was renamed the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement (TCOLE) in 2013, has evolved into a contemporary regulatory agency with six key functions:
1. Establishing minimum standards to obtain and maintain a peace officer, county jailer, telecommunicator, or school marshal license, and issuing licenses to qualified applicants;
2. Overseeing basic training and continuing education requirements to maintain an active license and ensuring compliance;
3. Auditing agencies and training providers for compliance with hiring standards and providing technical assistance;
4. Taking enforcement action against licenses in the event of criminal or administrative violations; Self-Evaluation Report Texas Commission on Law Enforcement 2 September 2019
5. Approving the creation of new law enforcement agencies that meet minimum standards established by the Legislature; and
6. Maintaining TCOLE’s database containing licensee and agency records.
Worth a look:
All from the Texas Tribune
- As coronavirus hits Texas, the state's top health official is spending 30 hours a week on a second job — that pays $600,000.
The acting head of Texas’ massive health and human services bureaucracy, who is leading a 36,600 employee agency during a global pandemic, is also working a second job as the well-paid general manager of the Lower Colorado River Authority, a quasi-state agency — funded without state tax dollars — that provides water and electricity to more than a million Texans.
- Long a GOP voice on health care, U.S. Rep. Michael Burgess seeks a higher post.
For the last seven months or so, longtime U.S. Rep. Michael Burgess of Lewisville has run a quiet campaign to be the top Republican of a House committee that is so powerful that a past chairman kept an enormous photo of the Earth in the committee's offices to illustrate its jurisdiction.
Burgess is running to be the GOP leader of the House Energy and Commerce Committee next term — or, if the 2020 elections break Republicans' way, the chair. The committee is the congressional arm that regulates all interstate commerce, lending to it the power to investigate everything from Major League Baseball to Silicon Valley. But now, thanks to a pandemic and oil bust, the world is falling in on Congress and Texas, and Burgess is running for what is likely to be one of the hardest jobs in Washington next term.
- Texas Democrats' convention begins online-only Monday, while state GOP officials stick to in-person plans in July.
The Texas Democratic and Republican parties are planning very different conventions this summer as the coronavirus pandemic persists — and drawing a growing national spotlight along the way.
The state Democratic Party is holding an exclusively virtual convention that kicks off Monday, while the Texas GOP is pressing forward with an in-person convention in mid-July in Houston. Both events are serving as instructive precursors — if not templates — for the respective national parties, which are wrestling with how to safely hold their own conventions later this summer.
- As coronavirus hits Texas, the state's top health official is spending 30 hours a week on a second job — that pays $600,000.
The acting head of Texas’ massive health and human services bureaucracy, who is leading a 36,600 employee agency during a global pandemic, is also working a second job as the well-paid general manager of the Lower Colorado River Authority, a quasi-state agency — funded without state tax dollars — that provides water and electricity to more than a million Texans.
- Long a GOP voice on health care, U.S. Rep. Michael Burgess seeks a higher post.
For the last seven months or so, longtime U.S. Rep. Michael Burgess of Lewisville has run a quiet campaign to be the top Republican of a House committee that is so powerful that a past chairman kept an enormous photo of the Earth in the committee's offices to illustrate its jurisdiction.
Burgess is running to be the GOP leader of the House Energy and Commerce Committee next term — or, if the 2020 elections break Republicans' way, the chair. The committee is the congressional arm that regulates all interstate commerce, lending to it the power to investigate everything from Major League Baseball to Silicon Valley. But now, thanks to a pandemic and oil bust, the world is falling in on Congress and Texas, and Burgess is running for what is likely to be one of the hardest jobs in Washington next term.
- Texas Democrats' convention begins online-only Monday, while state GOP officials stick to in-person plans in July.
The Texas Democratic and Republican parties are planning very different conventions this summer as the coronavirus pandemic persists — and drawing a growing national spotlight along the way.
The state Democratic Party is holding an exclusively virtual convention that kicks off Monday, while the Texas GOP is pressing forward with an in-person convention in mid-July in Houston. Both events are serving as instructive precursors — if not templates — for the respective national parties, which are wrestling with how to safely hold their own conventions later this summer.
From the Texas State Historical Society: EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT
Seems pertinent
- Click here for the entry.
With the beginning of the nuclear arms race in the late 1940s, national and state civil defense acquired a greater urgency than it had had during World War II. Despite the founding of new federal bureaus in the 1950s, authority and responsibility for civil defense remained highly decentralized. Decentralization also characterized the state civil-defense program. In 1951 the Texas legislature unanimously passed the Civil Protection Act, establishing the governor as head of the Disaster Relief Council, which was composed of the directors of the various state agencies. The state program duplicated the national in that each agency retained responsibility for its respective relief function. The governor also appointed a state coordinator of defense and disaster relief, who operated at civil defense headquarters in Austin, served as a liaison among the state agencies, and took command during emergencies. William L. McGill served as state coordinator for the first eight years of the organization's existence.
Decentralization also characterized the local level, where mayors, county judges, or locally appointed civil-defense directors received responsibility for disaster planning in their cities, towns, or counties. In the 1980s the state channeled aid-in the form of funds and training-through sixteen state disaster districts coterminous with State Highway Patrol districts. Local civil-defense organizations provided manpower-chiefly volunteers-and implemented relief plans during disasters or practice drills.
In 1963 the Office of Defense and Disaster Relief was moved from the executive department to the Texas Department of Public Safety. The Texas Disaster Act of 1975 renamed the office the Division of Disaster Emergency Services, established the governor's Disaster Emergency Services Council, and provided for greater integration of state and local civil-defense functions. In August 1981 the division, while remaining within the DPS, became the Division of Emergency Management.
- Click here for the entry.
With the beginning of the nuclear arms race in the late 1940s, national and state civil defense acquired a greater urgency than it had had during World War II. Despite the founding of new federal bureaus in the 1950s, authority and responsibility for civil defense remained highly decentralized. Decentralization also characterized the state civil-defense program. In 1951 the Texas legislature unanimously passed the Civil Protection Act, establishing the governor as head of the Disaster Relief Council, which was composed of the directors of the various state agencies. The state program duplicated the national in that each agency retained responsibility for its respective relief function. The governor also appointed a state coordinator of defense and disaster relief, who operated at civil defense headquarters in Austin, served as a liaison among the state agencies, and took command during emergencies. William L. McGill served as state coordinator for the first eight years of the organization's existence.
Decentralization also characterized the local level, where mayors, county judges, or locally appointed civil-defense directors received responsibility for disaster planning in their cities, towns, or counties. In the 1980s the state channeled aid-in the form of funds and training-through sixteen state disaster districts coterminous with State Highway Patrol districts. Local civil-defense organizations provided manpower-chiefly volunteers-and implemented relief plans during disasters or practice drills.
In 1963 the Office of Defense and Disaster Relief was moved from the executive department to the Texas Department of Public Safety. The Texas Disaster Act of 1975 renamed the office the Division of Disaster Emergency Services, established the governor's Disaster Emergency Services Council, and provided for greater integration of state and local civil-defense functions. In August 1981 the division, while remaining within the DPS, became the Division of Emergency Management.
For 2306 - 6/3
After perusing through a few news items on the blog I'd like to review the following key terms
Chapter Two: Texas Constitution
- constitution
- popular sovereignty
- unitary system
- federal system
- enumerated powers
- implied powers
- concurrent powers
- supremacy clause
- reserved powers
- privileges and immunities
- full faith and credit
- extradition
- dual federalism
- cooperative federalism
- devolution
- matching grants
- categorical grants
- block grants
Chapter 11: Local Governments
- Dillon's Rule
- fiscal federalism
- counties
- partisan elections
- cities
- partisan elections
- incorporation
- city charter
- municipal bond
- public education
- special districts
Chapter 12: Fiscal Policy
- policy-making process
- fiscal policy
- subsidies
- revenue
- tax
- general sales taxes
- property taxes
- appraisal
- federal grants
- legislative budget board
- pay as you go
- rainy day fund
I'd also like to go over the following:
- The Texas Constitution and Statutes.
- The Alvin City Charter.
Chapter Two: Texas Constitution
- constitution
- popular sovereignty
- unitary system
- federal system
- enumerated powers
- implied powers
- concurrent powers
- supremacy clause
- reserved powers
- privileges and immunities
- full faith and credit
- extradition
- dual federalism
- cooperative federalism
- devolution
- matching grants
- categorical grants
- block grants
Chapter 11: Local Governments
- Dillon's Rule
- fiscal federalism
- counties
- partisan elections
- cities
- partisan elections
- incorporation
- city charter
- municipal bond
- public education
- special districts
Chapter 12: Fiscal Policy
- policy-making process
- fiscal policy
- subsidies
- revenue
- tax
- general sales taxes
- property taxes
- appraisal
- federal grants
- legislative budget board
- pay as you go
- rainy day fund
I'd also like to go over the following:
- The Texas Constitution and Statutes.
- The Alvin City Charter.
Tuesday, June 2, 2020
From Wikipedia: Posse Comitatus Act
Also in the news, this act draws a line between the military and police.
- Click here for the entry.
The Posse Comitatus Act is a United States federal law (18 U.S.C. § 1385, original at 20 Stat. 152) signed on June 18, 1878, by President Rutherford B. Hayes. The purpose of the act – in concert with the Insurrection Act of 1807 – is to limit the powers of the federal government in using federal military personnel to enforce domestic policies within the United States. It was passed as an amendment to an army appropriation bill following the end of Reconstruction and was updated in 1956 and 1981.
The act specifically applies only to the United States Army and, as amended in 1956, the United States Air Force. Although the act does not explicitly mention the United States Navy and the United States Marine Corps, the Department of the Navy has prescribed regulations that are generally construed to give the act force with respect to those services as well. The act does not prevent the Army National Guard or the Air National Guard under state authority from acting in a law enforcement capacity within its home state or in an adjacent state if invited by that state's governor. The United States Coast Guard (under the Department of Homeland Security) and United States Space Force (under the Department of the Air Force) are not covered by the Posse Comitatus Act either, primarily because although both are armed services, they also have maritime and space law enforcement missions respectively.
The title of the act comes from the legal concept of posse comitatus, the authority under which a county sheriff, or other law officer, conscripts any able-bodied person to assist in keeping the peace.
- Click here for the entry.
The Posse Comitatus Act is a United States federal law (18 U.S.C. § 1385, original at 20 Stat. 152) signed on June 18, 1878, by President Rutherford B. Hayes. The purpose of the act – in concert with the Insurrection Act of 1807 – is to limit the powers of the federal government in using federal military personnel to enforce domestic policies within the United States. It was passed as an amendment to an army appropriation bill following the end of Reconstruction and was updated in 1956 and 1981.
The act specifically applies only to the United States Army and, as amended in 1956, the United States Air Force. Although the act does not explicitly mention the United States Navy and the United States Marine Corps, the Department of the Navy has prescribed regulations that are generally construed to give the act force with respect to those services as well. The act does not prevent the Army National Guard or the Air National Guard under state authority from acting in a law enforcement capacity within its home state or in an adjacent state if invited by that state's governor. The United States Coast Guard (under the Department of Homeland Security) and United States Space Force (under the Department of the Air Force) are not covered by the Posse Comitatus Act either, primarily because although both are armed services, they also have maritime and space law enforcement missions respectively.
The title of the act comes from the legal concept of posse comitatus, the authority under which a county sheriff, or other law officer, conscripts any able-bodied person to assist in keeping the peace.
From Wikipedia: Insurrection Act of 1807
This is suddenly topical
- Click here for the entry.
The Insurrection Act of 1807 is a United States federal law (10 U.S.C. §§ 251–255; prior to 2016, 10 U.S.C. §§ 331–335) that empowers the president of the United States to deploy U.S. military and federalized National Guard troops within the United States in particular circumstances, such as to suppress civil disorder, insurrection and rebellion.
The act provides the "major exception" to the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits the use of the U.S. military within the United States for law enforcement purposes.[1] The President must firstly issue a proclamation ordering the insurgents to immediately disperse (per 10 U.S.C. § 254).
This is the original text of the act.
An Act authorizing the employment of the land and naval forces of the United States, in cases of insurrections
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in all cases of insurrection, or obstruction to the laws, either of the United States, or of any individual state or territory, where it is lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia for the purpose of suppressing such insurrection, or of causing the laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ, for the same purposes, such part of the land or naval force of the United States, as shall be judged necessary, having first observed all the pre-requisites of the law in that respect.
APPROVED, March 3, 1807.
- Click here for the entry.
The Insurrection Act of 1807 is a United States federal law (10 U.S.C. §§ 251–255; prior to 2016, 10 U.S.C. §§ 331–335) that empowers the president of the United States to deploy U.S. military and federalized National Guard troops within the United States in particular circumstances, such as to suppress civil disorder, insurrection and rebellion.
The act provides the "major exception" to the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits the use of the U.S. military within the United States for law enforcement purposes.[1] The President must firstly issue a proclamation ordering the insurgents to immediately disperse (per 10 U.S.C. § 254).
This is the original text of the act.
An Act authorizing the employment of the land and naval forces of the United States, in cases of insurrections
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in all cases of insurrection, or obstruction to the laws, either of the United States, or of any individual state or territory, where it is lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia for the purpose of suppressing such insurrection, or of causing the laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ, for the same purposes, such part of the land or naval force of the United States, as shall be judged necessary, having first observed all the pre-requisites of the law in that respect.
APPROVED, March 3, 1807.
From Roll Call: Trump floats invoking 1807 Insurrection Act to ‘dominate’ protests
The response to the current protests provides another test of the limits of executive power.
- Click here for the article.
President Donald Trump on Monday night threatened to use the full power of the federal government, including the military through the use of the more than 200-year-old Insurrection Act, to quell protests that have erupted in dozens of cities across the country in the last week.
Trump’s comments from the Rose Garden, his first addressing the nation on the escalating racial unrest in the wake of the May 25 death of George Floyd at the hand of a Minneapolis police officer, came as a battalion of active duty troops were reportedly en route to Washington from North Carolina to provide support to local law enforcement.
Trump did not address the reports of deploying Army soldiers from Fort Bragg within the District of Columbia but said he believed governors and mayors were not responding aggressively enough to the protests.
“These are not acts of peaceful protest. These are acts of domestic terror,” the president said.
“We are putting everybody on warning, our 7 o’clock curfew will be strictly enforced,” Trump said, as federal law enforcement officials were deployed across Washington to assist in enforcing a curfew announced earlier in the day by Mayor Muriel Bowser.
Relevant key terms.
- president
- full power
- federal government
- military
- Insurrection Act
- protests
- cities
- police
- troops
- local law enforcement
- governors
- mayors
- peaceful protest
- curfew
- federal law enforcement
- D.C. National Guard
- law enforcement duties
- arrest
- detention
- civilian law enforcement duties
- open ended
- checks
- domestic
- House
- Armed Services
- Chairman
- Washington Democrat
- Secretary of Defense
- democracy
- dictatorship
- local politicians
- citizens
- Republican Senator
- Posse Comitatus
- Justice Department
- Pentagon
- active duty units
- law and order
- U.S. Park Police
- demonstrators
- Click here for the article.
President Donald Trump on Monday night threatened to use the full power of the federal government, including the military through the use of the more than 200-year-old Insurrection Act, to quell protests that have erupted in dozens of cities across the country in the last week.
Trump’s comments from the Rose Garden, his first addressing the nation on the escalating racial unrest in the wake of the May 25 death of George Floyd at the hand of a Minneapolis police officer, came as a battalion of active duty troops were reportedly en route to Washington from North Carolina to provide support to local law enforcement.
Trump did not address the reports of deploying Army soldiers from Fort Bragg within the District of Columbia but said he believed governors and mayors were not responding aggressively enough to the protests.
“These are not acts of peaceful protest. These are acts of domestic terror,” the president said.
“We are putting everybody on warning, our 7 o’clock curfew will be strictly enforced,” Trump said, as federal law enforcement officials were deployed across Washington to assist in enforcing a curfew announced earlier in the day by Mayor Muriel Bowser.
Relevant key terms.
- president
- full power
- federal government
- military
- Insurrection Act
- protests
- cities
- police
- troops
- local law enforcement
- governors
- mayors
- peaceful protest
- curfew
- federal law enforcement
- D.C. National Guard
- law enforcement duties
- arrest
- detention
- civilian law enforcement duties
- open ended
- checks
- domestic
- House
- Armed Services
- Chairman
- Washington Democrat
- Secretary of Defense
- democracy
- dictatorship
- local politicians
- citizens
- Republican Senator
- Posse Comitatus
- Justice Department
- Pentagon
- active duty units
- law and order
- U.S. Park Police
- demonstrators
GOVERNMENT CODE TITLE 4. EXECUTIVE BRANCH SUBTITLE B. LAW ENFORCEMENT AND PUBLIC PROTECTION CHAPTER 418. EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT SUBCHAPTER A. GENERAL PROVISIONS
Also known as the Texas Disaster Act of 1975
- Click here for it.
It clarifies what the governor can do during an emergency.
- Click here for it.
It clarifies what the governor can do during an emergency.
From the Texas Tribune: Texas Gov. Greg Abbott declares state of disaster after George Floyd protests
For 2306, an example of the emergency powers of the governor.
- Click here for the article.
Gov. Greg Abbott announced Sunday afternoon that the entire state of Texas will be placed under a disaster declaration in response to demonstrators in several Texas cities protesting the death of George Floyd, a black man who was killed Monday in Minneapolis police custody.
The declaration allowed Abbott to designate federal law enforcement officers to perform the duties of peace officers in Texas.
Thousands of protesters marched in Texas cities on Friday and Saturday, outraged after Floyd was filmed crying out for help as a white police officer pinned him to the ground with a knee to his neck. The officer, Derek Chauvin, was later arrested and charged with third-degree murder and manslaughter.
“Every Texan and every American has the right to protest and I encourage all Texans to exercise their First Amendment rights,” Abbott said in a statement. “However, violence against others and the destruction of property is unacceptable and counterproductive.”
His announcement comes a day after he activated the Texas National Guard “in response to protest violence” across the state. In several of the state’s large metropolitan areas — including Houston, Austin, Dallas and San Antonio — protesters clashed with police who sometimes used rubber bullets and tear gas.
Key terms:
- governor
- police
- federal law enforcement
- peace officers
- protesters
- film
- arrested
- charged
- third degree murder
- manslaughter
- right to protest
- First Amendment
- Texas National Guard
- metropolitan areas
- state resources
- cities
- FBI
- state and local law enforcement
- Texas Department of Public Safety
- local police departments
- National Guard
- Click here for the article.
Gov. Greg Abbott announced Sunday afternoon that the entire state of Texas will be placed under a disaster declaration in response to demonstrators in several Texas cities protesting the death of George Floyd, a black man who was killed Monday in Minneapolis police custody.
The declaration allowed Abbott to designate federal law enforcement officers to perform the duties of peace officers in Texas.
Thousands of protesters marched in Texas cities on Friday and Saturday, outraged after Floyd was filmed crying out for help as a white police officer pinned him to the ground with a knee to his neck. The officer, Derek Chauvin, was later arrested and charged with third-degree murder and manslaughter.
“Every Texan and every American has the right to protest and I encourage all Texans to exercise their First Amendment rights,” Abbott said in a statement. “However, violence against others and the destruction of property is unacceptable and counterproductive.”
His announcement comes a day after he activated the Texas National Guard “in response to protest violence” across the state. In several of the state’s large metropolitan areas — including Houston, Austin, Dallas and San Antonio — protesters clashed with police who sometimes used rubber bullets and tear gas.
Key terms:
- governor
- police
- federal law enforcement
- peace officers
- protesters
- film
- arrested
- charged
- third degree murder
- manslaughter
- right to protest
- First Amendment
- Texas National Guard
- metropolitan areas
- state resources
- cities
- FBI
- state and local law enforcement
- Texas Department of Public Safety
- local police departments
- National Guard
Monday, June 1, 2020
From the Texas Tribune: As Texas sales tax revenue dips 13.2% in May, the largest year-over-year decline in a decade
2306 students take note.
- Click here for the article.
Texas collected about $2.6 billion in state sales tax revenue in May, leading to the steepest year-over-year decline in over a decade, Comptroller Glenn Hegar announced Monday.
The amount is 13.2% less than the roughly $3 billion the state collected in the same month last year.
A majority of the revenue collected last month was from purchases made in April and reflect the state's first full-month look at how the novel coronavirus impacted businesses. That is when Texans lived under a statewide stay-at-home order and Gov. Greg Abbott, like leaders across the globe, ordered businesses across several sectors to close to combat the spread of the virus.
"Significant declines in sales tax receipts were evident in all major economic sectors, with the exception of telecommunications services," Hegar said in a news release. "The steepest decline was in collections from oil and gas mining, as energy companies cut well drilling and completion spending following the crash in oil prices."
Key terms
- sales tax revenue
- comptroller
- governor
- oil and gas
- motor fuels taxes
- hotel occupancy taxes
- legislative session
- lieutenant governor
- House speaker
- R - Angleton
- agencies
- Texas Department of State Health Services
- Texas Workforce Commission
- school districts
- state general revenue funding
- Legislative Budget Board
- GOP
- Republicans
- House Freedom Caucus
- Agriculture Commissioner
- Department of Agriculture
- state representative
- Austin democrat
- House Appropriations Committtee
- Legislature
- Click here for the article.
Texas collected about $2.6 billion in state sales tax revenue in May, leading to the steepest year-over-year decline in over a decade, Comptroller Glenn Hegar announced Monday.
The amount is 13.2% less than the roughly $3 billion the state collected in the same month last year.
A majority of the revenue collected last month was from purchases made in April and reflect the state's first full-month look at how the novel coronavirus impacted businesses. That is when Texans lived under a statewide stay-at-home order and Gov. Greg Abbott, like leaders across the globe, ordered businesses across several sectors to close to combat the spread of the virus.
"Significant declines in sales tax receipts were evident in all major economic sectors, with the exception of telecommunications services," Hegar said in a news release. "The steepest decline was in collections from oil and gas mining, as energy companies cut well drilling and completion spending following the crash in oil prices."
Key terms
- sales tax revenue
- comptroller
- governor
- oil and gas
- motor fuels taxes
- hotel occupancy taxes
- legislative session
- lieutenant governor
- House speaker
- R - Angleton
- agencies
- Texas Department of State Health Services
- Texas Workforce Commission
- school districts
- state general revenue funding
- Legislative Budget Board
- GOP
- Republicans
- House Freedom Caucus
- Agriculture Commissioner
- Department of Agriculture
- state representative
- Austin democrat
- House Appropriations Committtee
- Legislature
From Lawfare: Can the Federal Government Override State Government Rules on Social Distancing to Promote the Economy?
This is a terrific look at federalism during coronavirus.
The answer seems to be, no.
- Click here for the article.
2. No, the president cannot simply order state and local officials to change their policies
Here we have issues that fall under the headings of both federalism and separation of powers. Let’s start with federalism.
Most readers will appreciate this already, but it needs to be said: Our constitutional order has a federal structure, meaning that (a) federal powers are supreme, yes, but limited in scope and (b) the state governments are independent entities, not mere subordinate layers under and within the federal government (that is, the federal-state relationship is not similar to the way that counties and cities are subordinate layers under the state governments).
What follows from this? The federal government cannot commandeer the machinery of the state governments (or, by extension, of local governments). That is, the federal government cannot coerce the states into taking actions to suit federal policy preference. See, e.g., New York v. United States and Printz v. United States. And so, the federal government cannot compel state and local officials to promulgate different rules on social distancing and the like.
3. But could the federal government override contrary state and local rules?
As noted above, federal law is supreme over state law in our system. And so, if there is an otherwise-constitutional federal law compelling an outcome that runs contrary to a state or local rule, the federal law prevails. But it does not follow that President Trump can therefore override state and local rules on matters like shelter-in-place.
First, no currently existing statute plausibly can be read to confer such an authority on the president. The Stafford Act, the Defense Production Act, the Public Health Service Act, and the various statutes triggered by a declaration under the National Emergencies Act—none of these come close to authorizing something like this.
Second, there is little chance that this Congress is going to pass a statute that even purports to confer authority on the president to override state and local rules. I just do not see the House cooperating in such an effort.
Third, the president cannot plausibly claim inherent Article II authority to accomplish an override. Recall that President Truman, in the midst of the Korean War and facing the prospect of a strike in the steel industry that might disrupt the flow of arms and ammunition, asserted emergency Article II authority in order to temporarily nationalize the steel industry. The Supreme Court famously struck down that action as an unconstitutional usurpation of the authority of Congress, notwithstanding the exigency, in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer.
The answer seems to be, no.
- Click here for the article.
2. No, the president cannot simply order state and local officials to change their policies
Here we have issues that fall under the headings of both federalism and separation of powers. Let’s start with federalism.
Most readers will appreciate this already, but it needs to be said: Our constitutional order has a federal structure, meaning that (a) federal powers are supreme, yes, but limited in scope and (b) the state governments are independent entities, not mere subordinate layers under and within the federal government (that is, the federal-state relationship is not similar to the way that counties and cities are subordinate layers under the state governments).
What follows from this? The federal government cannot commandeer the machinery of the state governments (or, by extension, of local governments). That is, the federal government cannot coerce the states into taking actions to suit federal policy preference. See, e.g., New York v. United States and Printz v. United States. And so, the federal government cannot compel state and local officials to promulgate different rules on social distancing and the like.
3. But could the federal government override contrary state and local rules?
As noted above, federal law is supreme over state law in our system. And so, if there is an otherwise-constitutional federal law compelling an outcome that runs contrary to a state or local rule, the federal law prevails. But it does not follow that President Trump can therefore override state and local rules on matters like shelter-in-place.
First, no currently existing statute plausibly can be read to confer such an authority on the president. The Stafford Act, the Defense Production Act, the Public Health Service Act, and the various statutes triggered by a declaration under the National Emergencies Act—none of these come close to authorizing something like this.
Second, there is little chance that this Congress is going to pass a statute that even purports to confer authority on the president to override state and local rules. I just do not see the House cooperating in such an effort.
Third, the president cannot plausibly claim inherent Article II authority to accomplish an override. Recall that President Truman, in the midst of the Korean War and facing the prospect of a strike in the steel industry that might disrupt the flow of arms and ammunition, asserted emergency Article II authority in order to temporarily nationalize the steel industry. The Supreme Court famously struck down that action as an unconstitutional usurpation of the authority of Congress, notwithstanding the exigency, in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer.
Policing Through History
Considering recent events, I'll post a variety of stories related to policing and the establishment of police forces at the local level.
Sunday, May 31, 2020
From Roll Call: Trump’s order on social media meets swift resistance
For 2305
- Click here for the article.
Relevant terms
- executive order
- social media
- legal immunity
- coalition
- federal agencies
- Communications Decency Act
- free speech
- expression
- conservative
- monopolies
- Attorney General
- original intent
- Commerce Department
- Federal Communications Commission
- independent agency
- Federal Trade Commission
- regulations
- White House
- Office of Management and Budget
- state authorities
- state laws
- Texas Republican Senator
- political agendas
- industry groups
- Democratic lawmakers
- Consumer Technology Association
- trade group
- D-Ore
- power of the courts
- Congress
- chill speech
- non partisan
- Center for Democracy and Technology
- First Amendment
- President
- policy analyst
- Americans for Prosperity
- House Speaker
- disinformation
- federal government
- Click here for the article.
Relevant terms
- executive order
- social media
- legal immunity
- coalition
- federal agencies
- Communications Decency Act
- free speech
- expression
- conservative
- monopolies
- Attorney General
- original intent
- Commerce Department
- Federal Communications Commission
- independent agency
- Federal Trade Commission
- regulations
- White House
- Office of Management and Budget
- state authorities
- state laws
- Texas Republican Senator
- political agendas
- industry groups
- Democratic lawmakers
- Consumer Technology Association
- trade group
- D-Ore
- power of the courts
- Congress
- chill speech
- non partisan
- Center for Democracy and Technology
- First Amendment
- President
- policy analyst
- Americans for Prosperity
- House Speaker
- disinformation
- federal government
From the Texas Tribune: GOP voter registration group shutters amid coronavirus challenges
For both 2305 and 2306 - but mostly 2306.
- Click here for the article.
Relevant terms
- Super PAC
- voter registration
- political action committee
- GOP
- donors
- staff
- conservative
- Republican Party of Texas
- Federal Election Commission
- likely Republicans
- party chairman
- Republican National Committee
- tort reform
- advocate
- Texas Democrats
- 2.6 million unregistered
- El Paso congressman
- state party executive director
- Click here for the article.
Relevant terms
- Super PAC
- voter registration
- political action committee
- GOP
- donors
- staff
- conservative
- Republican Party of Texas
- Federal Election Commission
- likely Republicans
- party chairman
- Republican National Committee
- tort reform
- advocate
- Texas Democrats
- 2.6 million unregistered
- El Paso congressman
- state party executive director
Saturday, May 30, 2020
Day Two Constitutional Convention: May 28, 1787
- Click here.
The rules governing the convention were determined. Click on the link to go over them.
These stuck out to me:
“Every member, rising to speak, shall address the President; and, whilst he shall be speaking, none shall pass between them, or hold discourse with another, or read a book, pamphlet, or paper, printed or manuscript. And of two members rising to speak at the same time, the President shall name him who shall be first heard.
. . . “A member may be called to order by any other member, as well as by the President; and may be allowed to explain his conduct, or expressions, supposed to be reprehensible. And all questions of order shall be decided by the President, without appeal or debate.
. . . A letter from sundry persons of the State of Rhode Island, addressed to the Chairman of the General Convention, was presented to the Chair by Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS; and, being read, was ordered to lie on the table for further consideration
. . . Mr. BUTLER moved that the House provide against interruption of business by absence of members, and against licentious publications of their proceedings.
Here's more about Gouverner Morris:
Morris' father, Lewis Morris, was a wealthy landowner and judge. Gouverneur Morris was born on the family estate, Morrisania, on the north side of the Harlem river, which was at the time in Westchester County, but is now part of the Bronx. Morris, a gifted scholar, enrolled at King's College, now Columbia University in New York City, at age 12. He graduated in 1768 and received a Master's degree in 1771. He studied law with Judge William Smith and attained admission to the bar in 1775.
. . . In 1779, he was defeated for re-election to Congress, largely because his advocacy of a strong central government was at odds with the decentralist views prevalent in New York. Defeated in his home state, he moved to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to work as a lawyer and merchant.
. . . It is said by some that Morris was "an aristocrat to the core," who believed that "there never was, nor ever will be a civilized Society without an Aristocracy".[9] It is also alleged that he thought that common people were incapable of self-government because he feared that the poor would sell their votes to the rich and that voting should be restricted to property owners. Duff Cooper wrote of Morris that although he "had warmly espoused the cause of the colonists in the American War of Independence, he retained a cynically aristocratic view of life and a profound contempt for democratic theories."
Here's more about Pierce Butler:
Pierce Butler was born on July 11, 1744, in Garryhundon, County Carlow, Ireland. He was the third son of Sir Richard Butler, 5th Baronet, of Cloughgrenan (1699–1771) and his wife Henrietta Percy.
. . . As one of the largest slaveholders in the United States, he defended American slavery for both political and personal motives, even though he had private misgivings about the institution and particularly about the African slave trade. He introduced the Fugitive Slave Clause into a draft of the U.S. Constitution, which gave a federal guarantee to the property rights of slaveholders. He supported counting the full slave population in state totals for the purposes of Congressional apportionment. The Constitution's Three-Fifths Compromise counted only three-fifths of the slave population in state totals, but still led to Southern states having disproportionate power in the U.S. Congress.
. . . Military operations in the final months of the Revolutionary War left Butler a poor man. Many of his plantations and ships were destroyed, and the international trade on which the majority of his income depended was in shambles. He traveled to Europe when the war ended in an effort to secure loans and establish new markets. He enrolled his son Thomas in a London school run by Weeden Butler, and engaged a new minister from among the British clergy for his Episcopal church in South Carolina.[1][2]
In late 1785 Butler returned to the United States. He became an outspoken advocate of reconciliation with former Loyalists and of equal representation for the residents of the backcountry. Testifying to his growing political influence, the South Carolina legislature asked Butler to represent the state at the Constitutional Convention that met in Philadelphia in 1787.[1] At the convention, he urged that the president be given the power to initiate war; however, he did not receive a second proponent for his motion and all the other delegates overwhelmingly rejected his proposal.[3][4]
Butler's experiences as a soldier and planter-legislator led to his forceful support for a strong union of the states. At the same time, he looked to the special interests of his region. He introduced the Fugitive Slave Clause (Article 4, Section 2), which established protection for slavery in the Constitution. In addition, while privately criticizing the international trade in African slaves, he supported the passage in the Constitution that prohibited regulation of the trade for 20 years. He advocated counting the full slave population in the states' totals for the purposes of Congressional apportionment, but had to be satisfied with the compromise to count three-fifths of the slaves toward that end. It ensured that the Southern planter elite exerted a strong influence in national politics for decades.
Butler displayed inconsistencies that troubled his associates. He favored ratification of the Constitution, yet did not attend the South Carolina convention that ratified it. Later, he was elected by the South Carolina state legislature to three separate terms in the United States Senate, but changed his party allegiance: beginning as a Federalist, he switched to the Jeffersonian party in 1795. In 1804 he declared himself a political independent.
Vice President Aaron Burr was Butler's guest at his St. Simons plantations in September 1804. Burr was, at the time, lying low after shooting Alexander Hamilton in the July 1804 duel. The states of New York and New Jersey had each indicted the Vice President for murder in the wake of the post-duel controversy. Burr had traveled during August, to Butler's plantation under the pseudonym Roswell King, which was Butler's overseer's name. During Burr's stay in early September, one of the worst hurricanes in history hit the area, and Burr's first-hand description documents both his stay and this event. Butler's politics and public involvement mirror the political rise and fall of his friend Burr.
The rules governing the convention were determined. Click on the link to go over them.
These stuck out to me:
“Every member, rising to speak, shall address the President; and, whilst he shall be speaking, none shall pass between them, or hold discourse with another, or read a book, pamphlet, or paper, printed or manuscript. And of two members rising to speak at the same time, the President shall name him who shall be first heard.
. . . “A member may be called to order by any other member, as well as by the President; and may be allowed to explain his conduct, or expressions, supposed to be reprehensible. And all questions of order shall be decided by the President, without appeal or debate.
. . . A letter from sundry persons of the State of Rhode Island, addressed to the Chairman of the General Convention, was presented to the Chair by Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS; and, being read, was ordered to lie on the table for further consideration
. . . Mr. BUTLER moved that the House provide against interruption of business by absence of members, and against licentious publications of their proceedings.
Here's more about Gouverner Morris:
Morris' father, Lewis Morris, was a wealthy landowner and judge. Gouverneur Morris was born on the family estate, Morrisania, on the north side of the Harlem river, which was at the time in Westchester County, but is now part of the Bronx. Morris, a gifted scholar, enrolled at King's College, now Columbia University in New York City, at age 12. He graduated in 1768 and received a Master's degree in 1771. He studied law with Judge William Smith and attained admission to the bar in 1775.
. . . In 1779, he was defeated for re-election to Congress, largely because his advocacy of a strong central government was at odds with the decentralist views prevalent in New York. Defeated in his home state, he moved to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to work as a lawyer and merchant.
. . . It is said by some that Morris was "an aristocrat to the core," who believed that "there never was, nor ever will be a civilized Society without an Aristocracy".[9] It is also alleged that he thought that common people were incapable of self-government because he feared that the poor would sell their votes to the rich and that voting should be restricted to property owners. Duff Cooper wrote of Morris that although he "had warmly espoused the cause of the colonists in the American War of Independence, he retained a cynically aristocratic view of life and a profound contempt for democratic theories."
Here's more about Pierce Butler:
Pierce Butler was born on July 11, 1744, in Garryhundon, County Carlow, Ireland. He was the third son of Sir Richard Butler, 5th Baronet, of Cloughgrenan (1699–1771) and his wife Henrietta Percy.
. . . As one of the largest slaveholders in the United States, he defended American slavery for both political and personal motives, even though he had private misgivings about the institution and particularly about the African slave trade. He introduced the Fugitive Slave Clause into a draft of the U.S. Constitution, which gave a federal guarantee to the property rights of slaveholders. He supported counting the full slave population in state totals for the purposes of Congressional apportionment. The Constitution's Three-Fifths Compromise counted only three-fifths of the slave population in state totals, but still led to Southern states having disproportionate power in the U.S. Congress.
. . . Military operations in the final months of the Revolutionary War left Butler a poor man. Many of his plantations and ships were destroyed, and the international trade on which the majority of his income depended was in shambles. He traveled to Europe when the war ended in an effort to secure loans and establish new markets. He enrolled his son Thomas in a London school run by Weeden Butler, and engaged a new minister from among the British clergy for his Episcopal church in South Carolina.[1][2]
In late 1785 Butler returned to the United States. He became an outspoken advocate of reconciliation with former Loyalists and of equal representation for the residents of the backcountry. Testifying to his growing political influence, the South Carolina legislature asked Butler to represent the state at the Constitutional Convention that met in Philadelphia in 1787.[1] At the convention, he urged that the president be given the power to initiate war; however, he did not receive a second proponent for his motion and all the other delegates overwhelmingly rejected his proposal.[3][4]
Butler's experiences as a soldier and planter-legislator led to his forceful support for a strong union of the states. At the same time, he looked to the special interests of his region. He introduced the Fugitive Slave Clause (Article 4, Section 2), which established protection for slavery in the Constitution. In addition, while privately criticizing the international trade in African slaves, he supported the passage in the Constitution that prohibited regulation of the trade for 20 years. He advocated counting the full slave population in the states' totals for the purposes of Congressional apportionment, but had to be satisfied with the compromise to count three-fifths of the slaves toward that end. It ensured that the Southern planter elite exerted a strong influence in national politics for decades.
Butler displayed inconsistencies that troubled his associates. He favored ratification of the Constitution, yet did not attend the South Carolina convention that ratified it. Later, he was elected by the South Carolina state legislature to three separate terms in the United States Senate, but changed his party allegiance: beginning as a Federalist, he switched to the Jeffersonian party in 1795. In 1804 he declared himself a political independent.
Vice President Aaron Burr was Butler's guest at his St. Simons plantations in September 1804. Burr was, at the time, lying low after shooting Alexander Hamilton in the July 1804 duel. The states of New York and New Jersey had each indicted the Vice President for murder in the wake of the post-duel controversy. Burr had traveled during August, to Butler's plantation under the pseudonym Roswell King, which was Butler's overseer's name. During Burr's stay in early September, one of the worst hurricanes in history hit the area, and Burr's first-hand description documents both his stay and this event. Butler's politics and public involvement mirror the political rise and fall of his friend Burr.
Friday, May 29, 2020
From Wikipedia: Communications Decency Act
For background on the law that lies at the root of the Trump - Twitter conflict.
- Click here for the page.
Expect more.
Of special interest is that the CDA was part of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which play a prominent role on 2305's coverage of the media. Title V to be specific.
- Click here for the page.
Expect more.
Of special interest is that the CDA was part of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which play a prominent role on 2305's coverage of the media. Title V to be specific.
From govinfo: United States Code
If you have time to kill, you can check out all of the statutory laws on the books on the national level.
- Click here for it.
Texas' statutory laws can be found here. The fact that the United States and Texas have their own laws, is an illustration of federalism.
From the U.S. page:
The United States Code is the codification by subject matter of the general and permanent laws of the United States. It is divided by broad subjects into 53 titles and published by the Office of the Law Revision Counsel of the U.S. House of Representatives. The U.S. Code was first published in 1926. The next main edition was published in 1934, and subsequent main editions have been published every six years since 1934. In between editions, annual cumulative supplements are published in order to present the most current information.
This site contains virtual main editions of the U.S. Code. The information contained in the U.S. Code has been provided to GPO by the Office of the Law Revision Counsel of the U.S. House of Representatives. While every effort has been made to ensure that the U.S. Code on this site is accurate, those using it for legal research should verify their results against the printed version of the U.S. Code available through the Government Publishing Office.
Of the 53 titles, the following titles have been enacted into positive (statutory) law : 1, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 17, 18, 23, 28, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 46, 49, 51, and 54. When a title of the Code was enacted into positive law, the text of the title became legal evidence of the law. Titles that have not been enacted into positive law are only prima facie evidence of the law. In that case, the Statutes at Large still govern. Note: Title 52 is an editorially-created title, and Title 53 is currently reserved. For the current list of titles, see http://uscode.house.gov.
The U.S. Code does not include regulations issued by executive branch agencies, decisions of the Federal courts, treaties, or laws enacted by State or local governments. Regulations issued by executive branch agencies are available in the Code of Federal Regulations. Proposed and recently adopted regulations may be found in the Federal Register. Read More
- Click here for it.
Texas' statutory laws can be found here. The fact that the United States and Texas have their own laws, is an illustration of federalism.
From the U.S. page:
The United States Code is the codification by subject matter of the general and permanent laws of the United States. It is divided by broad subjects into 53 titles and published by the Office of the Law Revision Counsel of the U.S. House of Representatives. The U.S. Code was first published in 1926. The next main edition was published in 1934, and subsequent main editions have been published every six years since 1934. In between editions, annual cumulative supplements are published in order to present the most current information.
This site contains virtual main editions of the U.S. Code. The information contained in the U.S. Code has been provided to GPO by the Office of the Law Revision Counsel of the U.S. House of Representatives. While every effort has been made to ensure that the U.S. Code on this site is accurate, those using it for legal research should verify their results against the printed version of the U.S. Code available through the Government Publishing Office.
Of the 53 titles, the following titles have been enacted into positive (statutory) law : 1, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 17, 18, 23, 28, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 46, 49, 51, and 54. When a title of the Code was enacted into positive law, the text of the title became legal evidence of the law. Titles that have not been enacted into positive law are only prima facie evidence of the law. In that case, the Statutes at Large still govern. Note: Title 52 is an editorially-created title, and Title 53 is currently reserved. For the current list of titles, see http://uscode.house.gov.
The U.S. Code does not include regulations issued by executive branch agencies, decisions of the Federal courts, treaties, or laws enacted by State or local governments. Regulations issued by executive branch agencies are available in the Code of Federal Regulations. Proposed and recently adopted regulations may be found in the Federal Register. Read More
47 U.S. Code § 230.Protection for private blocking and screening of offensive material
This is the code at issue.
- Click here for it.
Of Interest: The link takes you to the site where all statutory laws are published. Title 47 covers telecommunications law - including the jurisdiction of the Federal Communications Commission.
- Wikipedia: Title 47 of the United States Code.
- Click here for it.
Of Interest: The link takes you to the site where all statutory laws are published. Title 47 covers telecommunications law - including the jurisdiction of the Federal Communications Commission.
- Wikipedia: Title 47 of the United States Code.
From VOX: Section 230, the internet free speech law Trump wants to change, explained
Some helpful background on the current conflict between President Trump and Twitter.
More on this to come - its involves much of what we will cover in 2305.
- Click here for the article.
You may have never heard of it, but Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act is the legal backbone of the internet. The law was created almost 30 years ago to protect internet platforms from liability for many of the things third parties say or do on them. And now it’s under threat by one of its biggest beneficiaries: President Trump, who hopes to use it to fight back against the social media platforms he believes are unfairly censoring him and other conservative voices.
Section 230 says that internet platforms that host third-party content — think of tweets on Twitter, posts on Facebook, photos on Instagram, reviews on Yelp, or a news outlet’s reader comments — are not liable for what those third parties post (with a few exceptions). For instance, if a Yelp reviewer were to post something defamatory about a business, the business could sue the reviewer for libel, but it couldn’t sue Yelp. Without Section 230’s protections, the internet as we know it today would not exist. If the law were taken away, many websites driven by user-generated content would likely go dark.
More on this to come - its involves much of what we will cover in 2305.
- Click here for the article.
You may have never heard of it, but Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act is the legal backbone of the internet. The law was created almost 30 years ago to protect internet platforms from liability for many of the things third parties say or do on them. And now it’s under threat by one of its biggest beneficiaries: President Trump, who hopes to use it to fight back against the social media platforms he believes are unfairly censoring him and other conservative voices.
Section 230 says that internet platforms that host third-party content — think of tweets on Twitter, posts on Facebook, photos on Instagram, reviews on Yelp, or a news outlet’s reader comments — are not liable for what those third parties post (with a few exceptions). For instance, if a Yelp reviewer were to post something defamatory about a business, the business could sue the reviewer for libel, but it couldn’t sue Yelp. Without Section 230’s protections, the internet as we know it today would not exist. If the law were taken away, many websites driven by user-generated content would likely go dark.
Wednesday, May 27, 2020
Day One Constitutional Convention: May 25, 1787
- Click here.
"Mr. ROBERT MORRIS informed the members assembled, that, by the instruction and in behalf of the deputation of Pennsylvania, he proposed GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esquire, late Commander-in-Chief, for President of the Convention.1 Mr. JOHN RUTLEDGE seconded the motion, expressing his confidence that the choice would be unanimous; and observing, that the presence of General WASHINGTON forbade any observations on the occasion which might otherwise be proper. General WASHINGTON was accordingly unanimously elected by ballot, and conducted to the Chair by Mr. R. MORRIS and Mr. RUTLEDGE; from which, in a very emphatic manner, he thanked the Convention for the honor they had conferred on him; reminded them of the novelty of the scene of business in which he was to act, lamented his want of better qualifications, and claimed the indulgence of the House towards the involuntary errors which his inexperience might occasion. Mr. WILSON moved that a Secretary be appointed, and nominated Mr. Temple Franklin. Colonel HAMILTON nominated Major Jackson. On the ballot Major Jackson had five votes, and Mr. Franklin two votes. On reading the credentials of the Deputies, it was noticed that those from Delaware were prohibited from changing the Article in the Confederation establishing an equality of votes among the States. The appointment of a Committee, on the motion of Mr. C. PINCKNEY, consisting of Messrs. WYTHE, HAMILTON, and C. PINCKNEY, to prepare standing rules and orders, was the only remaining step taken on this day."
1 The nomination came with particular grace from Pennsylvania, as Doctor Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The Doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General Washington, but the state of the weather and of his health confined him to his house.
Who are these people?
Robert Morris: Wikipedia.
"Greenway arranged for Morris to become an apprentice at the shipping and banking firm of Philadelphia merchant Charles Willing. In 1750, Robert Morris, Sr. died from an infected wound, leaving much of his substantial estate to his son.[4] Morris impressed Willing and rose from a teenage trainee to become a key agent in Willing's firm. Morris traveled to Caribbean ports to expand the firm's business, and he gained a knowledge of trading and the various currencies used to exchange goods. He also befriended Thomas Willing, the oldest son of Charles Willing who was two years older than Morris and who, like Morris, had split his life between England and British North America. Charles Willing died in 1754, and in 1757 Thomas made Morris a full partner in the newly-renamed firm of Willing Morris & Company.[5]
Morris's shipping firm was just one of many such firms operating in Philadelphia, but Willing Morris & Company pursued several innovative strategies. The firm pooled with other shipping firms to insure vessels, aggressively expanded trade with India, and underwrote government projects through bonds and promissory notes.[6] Ships of the firm traded with India, the Levant, the West Indies, Spanish Cuba, Spain, and Italy. The firm's business of import, export, and general agency made it one of the most prosperous in Pennsylvania. In 1784, Morris, with other investors, underwrote the voyage of the ship Empress of China, the first American vessel to visit the Chinese mainland."
"Mr. ROBERT MORRIS informed the members assembled, that, by the instruction and in behalf of the deputation of Pennsylvania, he proposed GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esquire, late Commander-in-Chief, for President of the Convention.1 Mr. JOHN RUTLEDGE seconded the motion, expressing his confidence that the choice would be unanimous; and observing, that the presence of General WASHINGTON forbade any observations on the occasion which might otherwise be proper. General WASHINGTON was accordingly unanimously elected by ballot, and conducted to the Chair by Mr. R. MORRIS and Mr. RUTLEDGE; from which, in a very emphatic manner, he thanked the Convention for the honor they had conferred on him; reminded them of the novelty of the scene of business in which he was to act, lamented his want of better qualifications, and claimed the indulgence of the House towards the involuntary errors which his inexperience might occasion. Mr. WILSON moved that a Secretary be appointed, and nominated Mr. Temple Franklin. Colonel HAMILTON nominated Major Jackson. On the ballot Major Jackson had five votes, and Mr. Franklin two votes. On reading the credentials of the Deputies, it was noticed that those from Delaware were prohibited from changing the Article in the Confederation establishing an equality of votes among the States. The appointment of a Committee, on the motion of Mr. C. PINCKNEY, consisting of Messrs. WYTHE, HAMILTON, and C. PINCKNEY, to prepare standing rules and orders, was the only remaining step taken on this day."
1 The nomination came with particular grace from Pennsylvania, as Doctor Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The Doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General Washington, but the state of the weather and of his health confined him to his house.
Who are these people?
Robert Morris: Wikipedia.
"Greenway arranged for Morris to become an apprentice at the shipping and banking firm of Philadelphia merchant Charles Willing. In 1750, Robert Morris, Sr. died from an infected wound, leaving much of his substantial estate to his son.[4] Morris impressed Willing and rose from a teenage trainee to become a key agent in Willing's firm. Morris traveled to Caribbean ports to expand the firm's business, and he gained a knowledge of trading and the various currencies used to exchange goods. He also befriended Thomas Willing, the oldest son of Charles Willing who was two years older than Morris and who, like Morris, had split his life between England and British North America. Charles Willing died in 1754, and in 1757 Thomas made Morris a full partner in the newly-renamed firm of Willing Morris & Company.[5]
Morris's shipping firm was just one of many such firms operating in Philadelphia, but Willing Morris & Company pursued several innovative strategies. The firm pooled with other shipping firms to insure vessels, aggressively expanded trade with India, and underwrote government projects through bonds and promissory notes.[6] Ships of the firm traded with India, the Levant, the West Indies, Spanish Cuba, Spain, and Italy. The firm's business of import, export, and general agency made it one of the most prosperous in Pennsylvania. In 1784, Morris, with other investors, underwrote the voyage of the ship Empress of China, the first American vessel to visit the Chinese mainland."
Wednesday, May 20, 2020
American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees
For your look at interest groups, an example of a governmental organization. This is a national umbrella group, that focuses on the interests of state and local employees at the national level, meaning that they focus on Congress. Your textbook lists a variety that do so at the state level, meaning that they focus on the Texas legislature.
For more, click on the links below:
- Ballotpedia.
- Wikipedia.
From Wikipedia: The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) is the largest trade union of public employees in the United States. It represents 1.3 million public sector employees and retirees, including health care workers, corrections officers, sanitation workers, police officers, firefighters, and childcare providers. Founded in Madison, Wisconsin, in 1932, AFSCME is part of the AFL–CIO, one of the two main labor federations in the United States. AFSCME has had four presidents since its founding.
The union is known for its involvement in political campaigns, almost exclusively with the Democratic Party. AFSCME was one of the first groups to take advantage of the 2010 Citizens United decision, which allowed unions and corporations to directly finance ads that expressly call for the election or defeat of a candidate. Major political issues for AFSCME include single-payer health care, protecting pension benefits, raising the minimum wage, preventing the privatization of government jobs, and extending unemployment benefits.
For a look at their campaign activity, click here.
For more, click on the links below:
- Ballotpedia.
- Wikipedia.
From Wikipedia: The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) is the largest trade union of public employees in the United States. It represents 1.3 million public sector employees and retirees, including health care workers, corrections officers, sanitation workers, police officers, firefighters, and childcare providers. Founded in Madison, Wisconsin, in 1932, AFSCME is part of the AFL–CIO, one of the two main labor federations in the United States. AFSCME has had four presidents since its founding.
The union is known for its involvement in political campaigns, almost exclusively with the Democratic Party. AFSCME was one of the first groups to take advantage of the 2010 Citizens United decision, which allowed unions and corporations to directly finance ads that expressly call for the election or defeat of a candidate. Major political issues for AFSCME include single-payer health care, protecting pension benefits, raising the minimum wage, preventing the privatization of government jobs, and extending unemployment benefits.
For a look at their campaign activity, click here.
Fourth Assignment: Energy isn’t the whole Texas economy, but it’s a critical piece
This will put the chapters on public and fiscal policy in context.
The state of the economy determines tax revenues, which in turn determines what that state can and can't do - services etc. It also impacts local governments.
- Click here for the article.
sales tax revenues
local and state government
property values
demand for government services
public schools
biennial revenue estimates
sales tax is largest source of revenue for state
general revenue
54.% of state's general revenue from sales taxes
oil and gas make up a significant part of state revenue
oil production taxes - 6.1% of general revenue
natural gas production tax - 2.7% of state revenue
severance taxes - $2.86 billion
State Highway Fund
Economic Stabilization Fund
taxes on motor fuels - 1.7% of state revenue
transportation and public education
motor fuel taxes - $.20 a gallon
Comptroller
Glenn Hegar
West Texas Intermediate
NYMEX
fall 2019 forecast summary
The state of the economy determines tax revenues, which in turn determines what that state can and can't do - services etc. It also impacts local governments.
- Click here for the article.
sales tax revenues
local and state government
property values
demand for government services
public schools
biennial revenue estimates
sales tax is largest source of revenue for state
general revenue
54.% of state's general revenue from sales taxes
oil and gas make up a significant part of state revenue
oil production taxes - 6.1% of general revenue
natural gas production tax - 2.7% of state revenue
severance taxes - $2.86 billion
State Highway Fund
Economic Stabilization Fund
taxes on motor fuels - 1.7% of state revenue
transportation and public education
motor fuel taxes - $.20 a gallon
Comptroller
Glenn Hegar
West Texas Intermediate
NYMEX
fall 2019 forecast summary
Tuesday, May 19, 2020
From the Texas Department of Health and Human Services: Texas Covid-19 case counts
As mentioned in the textbook - this is the second largest agency in the state, just behind thew Department of Education.
- Click here for the page.
- Click here for the page.
What is the cost of a life?
These things are considered and used to guide public policy - almost certainly this underlies decisions about how to reopen businesses during the current pandemic.
Some links:
- No One Values Your Life More Than the Federal Government.
- The Value of a Human Life: $129,000.
- What Should The Government Spend To Save A Life?
- How Much Is a Human Life Actually Worth?
Some links:
- No One Values Your Life More Than the Federal Government.
- The Value of a Human Life: $129,000.
- What Should The Government Spend To Save A Life?
- How Much Is a Human Life Actually Worth?
Monday, May 18, 2020
The Texas Pawnshop Act
This was mentioned in an article below - I have not heard of it.
The text of the act is contained in Texas' Finance Code: Title 4. Sec. 371.001
- Click here for the code's text.
- For a look at all of Texas' Statutory codes, click here.
One of the jobs of the Texas Secretary of State is to convert laws into code. When a law is passed and signed by the governor, it then goes to the appropriate place in the statutory code. According to the text, it was added to the statutory code as a result of a law passed in 1997 in the 75th regular session of the legislature.
It was recently amended by the 86th legislature, HB 1442.
For a look at specifics regarding HB 1442, click here. You will see an illustration there of many of the topics covered in your text.
The text of the act is contained in Texas' Finance Code: Title 4. Sec. 371.001
- Click here for the code's text.
- For a look at all of Texas' Statutory codes, click here.
One of the jobs of the Texas Secretary of State is to convert laws into code. When a law is passed and signed by the governor, it then goes to the appropriate place in the statutory code. According to the text, it was added to the statutory code as a result of a law passed in 1997 in the 75th regular session of the legislature.
It was recently amended by the 86th legislature, HB 1442.
For a look at specifics regarding HB 1442, click here. You will see an illustration there of many of the topics covered in your text.
Third Assignment: Coronavirus in Texas: Austin extends stay-at-home orders to end of May
This is a very short article, but it highlights the conflict between state and local government.
- Click here for it.
As you'll notice in the chapter on local government, and elsewhere, local governments are creatures of the state, meaning that the state can regulate what they can and cannot do. This article illustrates that tension, and the degree to which the state uses its power over local government to minimize their power - in this case, their ability to respond to Covid19.
Key terms, topics, and phrases:
- Attorney General
- Ken Paxton
- Dallas County Judge
- Clay Jenkins
- local government
- state Rep
- Dan Flynn
- R - Canton
- Texas Pawnshop Act
- local officials
- limited emergency powers
- "amend state law that the Legislature has explicitly removed from local control"
- Dallas County Order
- court
- invalid and unenforceable
- consumer protection orders
- Paxton's opinion
- "local order is superseded by Abbott's directive on store operations."
Here are terms from the other articles on the page:
- Austin city officials
- Governor
- county judges
- mayors
- supercede
- Austin Mayor
- Steve Adler
- Bexar County
- federal coronavirus relief bill
- San Antonio Express-News
- Texas cities and counties
- Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security Act
- Click here for it.
As you'll notice in the chapter on local government, and elsewhere, local governments are creatures of the state, meaning that the state can regulate what they can and cannot do. This article illustrates that tension, and the degree to which the state uses its power over local government to minimize their power - in this case, their ability to respond to Covid19.
Key terms, topics, and phrases:
- Attorney General
- Ken Paxton
- Dallas County Judge
- Clay Jenkins
- local government
- state Rep
- Dan Flynn
- R - Canton
- Texas Pawnshop Act
- local officials
- limited emergency powers
- "amend state law that the Legislature has explicitly removed from local control"
- Dallas County Order
- court
- invalid and unenforceable
- consumer protection orders
- Paxton's opinion
- "local order is superseded by Abbott's directive on store operations."
Here are terms from the other articles on the page:
- Austin city officials
- Governor
- county judges
- mayors
- supercede
- Austin Mayor
- Steve Adler
- Bexar County
- federal coronavirus relief bill
- San Antonio Express-News
- Texas cities and counties
- Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security Act
Saturday, May 16, 2020
From the Texas Tribune: Watch our interview with Texas Comptroller Glenn Hegar about the coronavirus’ impact on the state economy
If you read the chapter on fiscal policy carefully - and as you will see in the chapter on the plural executive - the comptroller's office is responsible for the biennial revenue estimate. It tells the legislature how much revenue is expected to be collected by the state during a fiscal period, which puts a cap on how much can be appropriated.
But since it is a projection, it can go wrong if something unexpected occurs.
Like a pandemic.
Here's an interview with the current comptroller about how the current pandemic will impact the current Texas budget.
- Click here for the article.
How does this economic downturn affect the state budget, and how are state officials responding?
- Hegar said that the outbreak of the virus has created a lag on the sales tax collection process and that his office expects to have hard numbers in terms of sales tax collections in June.
- Accounting for more than 50% of the state’s tax revenues, sales taxes are the biggest determination for the state budget. So until the data on current sales tax collections has been collected, Hegar said, the true economic effects of social distancing cannot be fully understood.
- Nevertheless, Hegar and his office have been compiling data from comparable economic periods and other “nontraditional datapoints” to offer state legislators some additional insight into how things may progress from here.
- While Hegar said that the current economic situation is fluid and that “there’s a lot of unknowns that we have,” he also said that he believes the state will be able to cover spending for at least the remainder of the year, and there is currently no reason to call a special legislative session.
- Hegar anticipates that the state’s Economic Stabilization Fund (commonly known as the rainy day fund) will only be slightly reduced as a result of the current downturn. “We’ll still have a significant amount of money,” he said, estimating that the new ESF would be in the range of $8.5 billion.
- Hegar’s office is working with other agencies in the state to help them track their spending and to ensure that agencies that will need to increase their spending (such as the Children's Health Insurance Program, Foundation School Program or Medicaid) have the resources they need. His office is also recommending agencies look into ways of reducing their spending sooner rather than later.
But since it is a projection, it can go wrong if something unexpected occurs.
Like a pandemic.
Here's an interview with the current comptroller about how the current pandemic will impact the current Texas budget.
- Click here for the article.
How does this economic downturn affect the state budget, and how are state officials responding?
- Hegar said that the outbreak of the virus has created a lag on the sales tax collection process and that his office expects to have hard numbers in terms of sales tax collections in June.
- Accounting for more than 50% of the state’s tax revenues, sales taxes are the biggest determination for the state budget. So until the data on current sales tax collections has been collected, Hegar said, the true economic effects of social distancing cannot be fully understood.
- Nevertheless, Hegar and his office have been compiling data from comparable economic periods and other “nontraditional datapoints” to offer state legislators some additional insight into how things may progress from here.
- While Hegar said that the current economic situation is fluid and that “there’s a lot of unknowns that we have,” he also said that he believes the state will be able to cover spending for at least the remainder of the year, and there is currently no reason to call a special legislative session.
- Hegar anticipates that the state’s Economic Stabilization Fund (commonly known as the rainy day fund) will only be slightly reduced as a result of the current downturn. “We’ll still have a significant amount of money,” he said, estimating that the new ESF would be in the range of $8.5 billion.
- Hegar’s office is working with other agencies in the state to help them track their spending and to ensure that agencies that will need to increase their spending (such as the Children's Health Insurance Program, Foundation School Program or Medicaid) have the resources they need. His office is also recommending agencies look into ways of reducing their spending sooner rather than later.
Spring Mini Written Assignment 2: Texas leaders ask Congress to protect employers, doctors from lawsuits during the COVID-19 pandemic
For GOVT 2306 mini students: here are key terms from the second article I'd like you to analyze.
As with the first article - which I'm not finished elaborating on - I'll add content related to it in future posts.
- Click here for the article.
Key terms:
- Congress
- lawsuits
- health care groups
- executive order
- business owners
- liability
- statewide leaders
- employers
- health care professionals
- Governor
- Lt Governor
- Speaker of the Texas House
- U.S. Senate Majority Leaders
- broad liability protections
- financial relief package
- Texas Health Care Association
- Texas Medical Association
- Texas Hospital Association
- state code
- criminal penalties
- regulatory fines
- agency oversight
- civil lawsuits
- medical malpractice lawsuit
- Texas Legislature
- Texas Trial Lawyers Association
- Texas Constitution
- proper scope of executive authority
As with the first article - which I'm not finished elaborating on - I'll add content related to it in future posts.
- Click here for the article.
Key terms:
- Congress
- lawsuits
- health care groups
- executive order
- business owners
- liability
- statewide leaders
- employers
- health care professionals
- Governor
- Lt Governor
- Speaker of the Texas House
- U.S. Senate Majority Leaders
- broad liability protections
- financial relief package
- Texas Health Care Association
- Texas Medical Association
- Texas Hospital Association
- state code
- criminal penalties
- regulatory fines
- agency oversight
- civil lawsuits
- medical malpractice lawsuit
- Texas Legislature
- Texas Trial Lawyers Association
- Texas Constitution
- proper scope of executive authority
Friday, May 15, 2020
From the Texas Tribune: Energy isn’t the whole Texas economy, but it’s a critical piece
This adds updated detail to the section on public policy in Texas, as well as fiscal policy.
- Click here for the article.
If it lasts, this week’s plunge in oil prices could hit the Texas economy in ways that make it much harder for state and local governments to help the state’s residents.
It’s part of a double whammy on the state economy that started with the pandemic-driven dive in hospitality and retail that, in turn, will be reflected in much lower-than-expected sales tax revenues to local and state governments.
School districts depend mostly on property taxes and state funding. If property tax revenue drops, the state is on the hook to make up the difference, if it can. The state’s public schools aren’t dependent directly on sales taxes, but the state that sends them money counts that as its largest single source of revenue.
In his latest biennial revenue estimate, the state comptroller said 54.5% of the state’s general revenue during the current two-year period would come from sales taxes.
That’s the biggest source, but taxes on oil and gas make up a significant part of the state’s general revenue. Oil production taxes would account for 6.1%, and natural gas production taxes would bring in another 2.7%. Those severance taxes were expected to bring $2.86 billion this year and next into each of two big accounts, the State Highway Fund and the Economic Stabilization Fund (which is also known as the rainy day fund).
- Click here for the article.
If it lasts, this week’s plunge in oil prices could hit the Texas economy in ways that make it much harder for state and local governments to help the state’s residents.
It’s part of a double whammy on the state economy that started with the pandemic-driven dive in hospitality and retail that, in turn, will be reflected in much lower-than-expected sales tax revenues to local and state governments.
School districts depend mostly on property taxes and state funding. If property tax revenue drops, the state is on the hook to make up the difference, if it can. The state’s public schools aren’t dependent directly on sales taxes, but the state that sends them money counts that as its largest single source of revenue.
In his latest biennial revenue estimate, the state comptroller said 54.5% of the state’s general revenue during the current two-year period would come from sales taxes.
That’s the biggest source, but taxes on oil and gas make up a significant part of the state’s general revenue. Oil production taxes would account for 6.1%, and natural gas production taxes would bring in another 2.7%. Those severance taxes were expected to bring $2.86 billion this year and next into each of two big accounts, the State Highway Fund and the Economic Stabilization Fund (which is also known as the rainy day fund).
Thursday, May 14, 2020
Legislative references in WA1
I pulled these three:
State Rep. James White.
He is one of 150 members of the Texas House of Representatives, and represents district 19 - a single member district, as they all are.
- Here is a link to his page on the house home page, click here.
- For Texas House of Representative, click here.
- For info on district 19 from the Texas Tribune, click here.
- For info on district 19 from Ballotpedia, click here. This link also contains election info. He had to be renominated by his party in the primary election for the general election in November. The district has been gerrymandered to be a safe Republican seat.
- Rules regarding elections in Texas are passed by the legislature, and are contained in the Electoral Code.
- Elections are conducted by the counties.
Texas House Corrections Committee
White is the chair of this committee, meaning he presides over its meeting and sets its agenda. He was appointed to the committee, and to be its chair by the Speaker of the House. The speaker gets to do that to all other committees as well
Texas House Rules (click here for that document) give this committee jurisdiction over the following:
Section 5. Corrections — The committee shall have nine members, with
jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to:
(1) the incarceration and rehabilitation of convicted felons;
(2) the establishment and maintenance of programs that provide
alternatives to incarceration; and
(3) the following state agencies: the Texas Department of Criminal
Justice, the Special Prosecution Unit, the Board of Pardons and Paroles, the
Texas Civil Commitment Office, and the Texas Correctional Office on Offenders
with Medical or Mental Impairments.
White is also a member - but not the chair - of these committees:
- Driver's License Issuance & Renewal, Select
- Judiciary & Civil Jurisprudence
- Redistricting
Hillister Republican
White is a member of the Republican Party, which means he initially placed himself on the ballot of of the Republican Party in each of the counties his district represents. He was selected by the people who voted in the Republican Primary, and then won the general election.
He is from Hillister, an unincorporated community in east Texas - Tyler County. Click here for more on Hillister.
As a member of the Republican Party, he is in the majority. Which means he can be more effective than if he was a Democrat, since they are in the minority.
State Rep. James White.
He is one of 150 members of the Texas House of Representatives, and represents district 19 - a single member district, as they all are.
- Here is a link to his page on the house home page, click here.
- For Texas House of Representative, click here.
- For info on district 19 from the Texas Tribune, click here.
- For info on district 19 from Ballotpedia, click here. This link also contains election info. He had to be renominated by his party in the primary election for the general election in November. The district has been gerrymandered to be a safe Republican seat.
- Rules regarding elections in Texas are passed by the legislature, and are contained in the Electoral Code.
- Elections are conducted by the counties.
Texas House Corrections Committee
White is the chair of this committee, meaning he presides over its meeting and sets its agenda. He was appointed to the committee, and to be its chair by the Speaker of the House. The speaker gets to do that to all other committees as well
Texas House Rules (click here for that document) give this committee jurisdiction over the following:
Section 5. Corrections — The committee shall have nine members, with
jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to:
(1) the incarceration and rehabilitation of convicted felons;
(2) the establishment and maintenance of programs that provide
alternatives to incarceration; and
(3) the following state agencies: the Texas Department of Criminal
Justice, the Special Prosecution Unit, the Board of Pardons and Paroles, the
Texas Civil Commitment Office, and the Texas Correctional Office on Offenders
with Medical or Mental Impairments.
White is also a member - but not the chair - of these committees:
- Driver's License Issuance & Renewal, Select
- Judiciary & Civil Jurisprudence
- Redistricting
Hillister Republican
White is a member of the Republican Party, which means he initially placed himself on the ballot of of the Republican Party in each of the counties his district represents. He was selected by the people who voted in the Republican Primary, and then won the general election.
He is from Hillister, an unincorporated community in east Texas - Tyler County. Click here for more on Hillister.
As a member of the Republican Party, he is in the majority. Which means he can be more effective than if he was a Democrat, since they are in the minority.
Wednesday, May 13, 2020
From Texas State Records: Understanding the Lone Star State’s Criminal Justice System
A nice alternative look at the justice system in the state
- Click here for it.
- More useful stuff here too.
I found this well put:
Texas’s Criminal Justice System has three components. Those three stages consist of law enforcement and criminal prosecution, trial and appeals, and corrections. Each of these stages is comprised of multiple levels, organizations and many thousands of personnel.
1- The first, and most decentralized of the stages is that of law enforcement and prosecution. It includes the sheriffs departments that patrol the state’s 254 counties, and the police departments that enforce laws in Texas’s 1,202 municipalities. It also accounts for highway patrolman agencies that enforce laws on the state’s roadways.
2 - The court system is complex and decentralized at lower levels, but nonetheless are comprehensively regulated by the Texas Supreme Court. This means that they operate within a well-defined court hierarchy, despite their different approaches to criminal justice.
3 - The corrections system in Texas is sprawling and multi-layered, but arguably the most tightly organized of these stages. There are numerous municipal and county jail systems, but offenders that incur substantial jail time are often regulated to state jails and prisons.
Texas Law Enforcement Agencies all operate under an umbrella authority known as the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement, or TCOLE. TCOLE includes sheriff's, deputies, constables, police officers, marshals, troopers, Texas Rangers, agents of the Alcoholic Beverage Commission, investigators of the Attorney General, game wardens, and correctional officers. TCOLE itself operates under the Texas Legislature, which grants it authority under Chapter 1701 or the Texas Occupations Code. TCOLE’s Board of Commissioners forms the administrative body of the organization, and has several duties, including making recommendations to the Governor of Texas and the state’s legislature. Its nine members are appointed by the Governor of Texas, and confirmed by the state Senate. Each of the nine members of the TCOLE Board of Commissioners serves six years, and must consist of three sheriffs, constables, or police chiefs, three members who have been TCOLE licensees for at least five years, and three members of the general population.
I would make one correction - the first stage is legislative. This is the decision to make something a crime, and how severe.
- Click here for it.
- More useful stuff here too.
I found this well put:
Texas’s Criminal Justice System has three components. Those three stages consist of law enforcement and criminal prosecution, trial and appeals, and corrections. Each of these stages is comprised of multiple levels, organizations and many thousands of personnel.
1- The first, and most decentralized of the stages is that of law enforcement and prosecution. It includes the sheriffs departments that patrol the state’s 254 counties, and the police departments that enforce laws in Texas’s 1,202 municipalities. It also accounts for highway patrolman agencies that enforce laws on the state’s roadways.
2 - The court system is complex and decentralized at lower levels, but nonetheless are comprehensively regulated by the Texas Supreme Court. This means that they operate within a well-defined court hierarchy, despite their different approaches to criminal justice.
3 - The corrections system in Texas is sprawling and multi-layered, but arguably the most tightly organized of these stages. There are numerous municipal and county jail systems, but offenders that incur substantial jail time are often regulated to state jails and prisons.
Texas Law Enforcement Agencies all operate under an umbrella authority known as the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement, or TCOLE. TCOLE includes sheriff's, deputies, constables, police officers, marshals, troopers, Texas Rangers, agents of the Alcoholic Beverage Commission, investigators of the Attorney General, game wardens, and correctional officers. TCOLE itself operates under the Texas Legislature, which grants it authority under Chapter 1701 or the Texas Occupations Code. TCOLE’s Board of Commissioners forms the administrative body of the organization, and has several duties, including making recommendations to the Governor of Texas and the state’s legislature. Its nine members are appointed by the Governor of Texas, and confirmed by the state Senate. Each of the nine members of the TCOLE Board of Commissioners serves six years, and must consist of three sheriffs, constables, or police chiefs, three members who have been TCOLE licensees for at least five years, and three members of the general population.
I would make one correction - the first stage is legislative. This is the decision to make something a crime, and how severe.
The Fiscal Size-Up: 2018-2019 biennium.
- Click here for a link to it.
After every regular session of the Texas Legislature - the entity responsible for approving state spending - the Legislative Budget Board publishes a document outlining that spending, as well as the source of the revenues for the fiscal year.
This is a good way to get up to date with the level of spending on each of the major policy categories in Texas, especially the ones related to the story about Covid19 in the prisons.
Page 14 of the document above lists the major areas of spending, and might be worth a look.
I'll post a screen shot later.
For note, note that about $12 billion dollars is spent on public safety out of a $216 billion budget.
After every regular session of the Texas Legislature - the entity responsible for approving state spending - the Legislative Budget Board publishes a document outlining that spending, as well as the source of the revenues for the fiscal year.
This is a good way to get up to date with the level of spending on each of the major policy categories in Texas, especially the ones related to the story about Covid19 in the prisons.
Page 14 of the document above lists the major areas of spending, and might be worth a look.
I'll post a screen shot later.
For note, note that about $12 billion dollars is spent on public safety out of a $216 billion budget.
Tuesday, May 12, 2020
From the Texas Tribune: 70% of Texas prisoners tested have the coronavirus. Experts say it's time for more testing and fewer inmates.
- Click here for the story.
For a current written assignment.
The following institutions and concepts from the textbook are relevant here. I'll use these soon.
- Beto Unit
- inmates and employees
- inmates and their relatives
- Texas Department of Criminal Justice
- Texas prison system
- Chris Beyrer
- Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.
- Gov. Greg Abbott
- lawmakers and advocates
- federal judge
- Michele Deitch
- University of Texas LBJ School of Public Affairs and law school
- State Rep. James White,
- Texas House Corrections Committee
- the Hillister Republican
- Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles
- Seth Prins
- epidemiology and sociomedical sciences
- the Pack Unit
- Texas Department of State Health Services
- Jeremy Desel, TDCJ’s spokesperson
- Jeff Ormsby
- American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees
- U.S. District Judge
- Keith Ellison
- federal appeals court
- prisoner advocacy group
- Texas CURE
- containment
- Lockdowns
- wardens
- rehabilitation program
- parole
For a current written assignment.
The following institutions and concepts from the textbook are relevant here. I'll use these soon.
- Beto Unit
- inmates and employees
- inmates and their relatives
- Texas Department of Criminal Justice
- Texas prison system
- Chris Beyrer
- Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.
- Gov. Greg Abbott
- lawmakers and advocates
- federal judge
- Michele Deitch
- University of Texas LBJ School of Public Affairs and law school
- State Rep. James White,
- Texas House Corrections Committee
- the Hillister Republican
- Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles
- Seth Prins
- epidemiology and sociomedical sciences
- the Pack Unit
- Texas Department of State Health Services
- Jeremy Desel, TDCJ’s spokesperson
- Jeff Ormsby
- American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees
- U.S. District Judge
- Keith Ellison
- federal appeals court
- prisoner advocacy group
- Texas CURE
- containment
- Lockdowns
- wardens
- rehabilitation program
- parole
Wednesday, April 22, 2020
Some stupid questions - GOVT 2306-04
Responses to come
1 - How is Texas so diverse but yet still a RED state?
2 - My main concern is the parties, how they work and what each party does. I’ve never been into politics, so I don’t know much about them, but what makes each party unique, and what is each political parties purpose?
3 - Is Texas still considered a republic?
4 - Why is a caucus and a convention classified as a temporary party convention?
5 - What all goes into making it so hard for incumbent representatives to lose their incumbency in Texas?
6 - Is it too far-fetched of an idea to abolish the party system, and have politicians' campaign independently?
7 - Why does the local and state government have to be so complicated and detailed as compared to the federal government?
1 - How is Texas so diverse but yet still a RED state?
2 - My main concern is the parties, how they work and what each party does. I’ve never been into politics, so I don’t know much about them, but what makes each party unique, and what is each political parties purpose?
3 - Is Texas still considered a republic?
4 - Why is a caucus and a convention classified as a temporary party convention?
5 - What all goes into making it so hard for incumbent representatives to lose their incumbency in Texas?
6 - Is it too far-fetched of an idea to abolish the party system, and have politicians' campaign independently?
7 - Why does the local and state government have to be so complicated and detailed as compared to the federal government?
Stupid Questions - GOVT 2305 GHD2
Responses to follow
They'll help review the material for the final
1 - My question kind of does and kind of doesn't relate to anything that we've learned so far. It mostly has to do with the current situation (COVID-19). It's 2020, meaning this is our general election year. This virus is going to get worse before it gets better. So, how do you think elections would work? Would we most likely transition to some heavily regulated online system? They can't cancel an election, can they, especially with his being the general election? Would that be unconstitutional?
2 - How much of an effect do us young people (Gen Y and Z) have on this upcoming election? Can we make a significant effect on the outcome?
3 - Actually, the most confusing thing for me right now is memorizing all the terminology, but that's just because I have a bad memory. Do you have any tips or tricks to help me with that? Also I am struggling with how the levels of local levels of government relates to or affects the national government because right now with Covid-19 going around the two seem very separated. For example, states like California are going into a state of emergency while others are just going by the specific county. While the national government just seems to be promoting social distancing and released the symptoms of Covid-19 to be weary of, and have yet to decide whether or not it will be necessary to go into a state of emergency or something else that might help the country.
4 - Question: What is your favorite sport?The Federalist papers and the Articles of Confederation are a bit hard to keep track of.
5 - What is the basic difference between Democrats and Republicans?
6 - Isn't it crazy we were just joking about China being infected with coronavirus a couple of weeks ago? Now the Earth is infected and the government is handling this situation fairly well. The most confusing stuff we covered is our bill of rights and how the federal power is seperated. For example in this coronavirus situation, I'm suspicious if the federal government steps in to quarantine contaminated areas. I know it would be to lower infection rates but i would prefer to not see the government controlling our liberty to go out and interact with one another.
They'll help review the material for the final
1 - My question kind of does and kind of doesn't relate to anything that we've learned so far. It mostly has to do with the current situation (COVID-19). It's 2020, meaning this is our general election year. This virus is going to get worse before it gets better. So, how do you think elections would work? Would we most likely transition to some heavily regulated online system? They can't cancel an election, can they, especially with his being the general election? Would that be unconstitutional?
2 - How much of an effect do us young people (Gen Y and Z) have on this upcoming election? Can we make a significant effect on the outcome?
3 - Actually, the most confusing thing for me right now is memorizing all the terminology, but that's just because I have a bad memory. Do you have any tips or tricks to help me with that? Also I am struggling with how the levels of local levels of government relates to or affects the national government because right now with Covid-19 going around the two seem very separated. For example, states like California are going into a state of emergency while others are just going by the specific county. While the national government just seems to be promoting social distancing and released the symptoms of Covid-19 to be weary of, and have yet to decide whether or not it will be necessary to go into a state of emergency or something else that might help the country.
4 - Question: What is your favorite sport?The Federalist papers and the Articles of Confederation are a bit hard to keep track of.
5 - What is the basic difference between Democrats and Republicans?
6 - Isn't it crazy we were just joking about China being infected with coronavirus a couple of weeks ago? Now the Earth is infected and the government is handling this situation fairly well. The most confusing stuff we covered is our bill of rights and how the federal power is seperated. For example in this coronavirus situation, I'm suspicious if the federal government steps in to quarantine contaminated areas. I know it would be to lower infection rates but i would prefer to not see the government controlling our liberty to go out and interact with one another.
Friday, April 17, 2020
Some Stupid Questions - GOVT 2306-GDH1
I'll add responses soon
1 - i feel like what confused me the most is know which branch does what.
2 - The parties, like how many are there? I have only ever heard of the democrates and republicans up until this year. Also, how do the lesser parties get into the polls again?
3 - The most confusing part to me so far has been the judicial system. For the most part, I understand how the executive and legislative branches work and who is within the branch. However, the judicial system is just unclear.
4 - The most confusing part to me so far has been the judicial system. For the most part, I understand how the executive and legislative branches work and who is within the branch. However, the judicial system is just unclear.
5 - I am still trying to grasp each lesson as best as i can but sometimes i don't know what it is exactly we are being taught. I don't have an actual question but i am worried about taking the final for the class the test and quizzes are okay though.
6 - How will the corona virus affect the election?
7 - How does the federal reserve plan on combating inflation if they give money away to everyone, what would stop our nation to turn into post ww1 Germany. Not sure if that qualifies as stupid question so I will ask another question, why is the world round.
8 - Aren’t politics and government powers a waste of time? The most confusing thing that we have covered in this course in my opinion has to do with the depth and intensity of both the US and Texas constitutions and why they are both fairly different. This confuses me because I do not understand why the Texas government leaders feel the need to create a country for Texas itself and why we cannot just use the national constitution.
9 - The thing that confuses me most is the separation of state and national level powers. I’m confused of what applies to what and when it applies
10 - What are the main differences between open and closed primaries? And what are the pros and cons of each? Also, is there any specific reason why Texas and specifically Houston lacks mass transit systems even though Houston is a large, urban city?
11 - How are people supposed to vote if we are supposed to stay inside, or is voting postponed?
12 - why is the texas constitution so large?
13 - Do you think Texas will ever ratify its constitution to resemble the beliefs and values of people of today? I personally think that Texas will not while still remaining a republican state.
14 - What’s confusing is why if everyone hates Donald trump so much why did he become president? Why did people vote for him?
15 - What is confusing me the most is why the constitution may be very specific in some areas, but doesn't go into details in other areas. Or is it already as detailed as can be?
16 - Why are there so many political debates pout there?
1 - i feel like what confused me the most is know which branch does what.
2 - The parties, like how many are there? I have only ever heard of the democrates and republicans up until this year. Also, how do the lesser parties get into the polls again?
3 - The most confusing part to me so far has been the judicial system. For the most part, I understand how the executive and legislative branches work and who is within the branch. However, the judicial system is just unclear.
4 - The most confusing part to me so far has been the judicial system. For the most part, I understand how the executive and legislative branches work and who is within the branch. However, the judicial system is just unclear.
5 - I am still trying to grasp each lesson as best as i can but sometimes i don't know what it is exactly we are being taught. I don't have an actual question but i am worried about taking the final for the class the test and quizzes are okay though.
6 - How will the corona virus affect the election?
7 - How does the federal reserve plan on combating inflation if they give money away to everyone, what would stop our nation to turn into post ww1 Germany. Not sure if that qualifies as stupid question so I will ask another question, why is the world round.
8 - Aren’t politics and government powers a waste of time? The most confusing thing that we have covered in this course in my opinion has to do with the depth and intensity of both the US and Texas constitutions and why they are both fairly different. This confuses me because I do not understand why the Texas government leaders feel the need to create a country for Texas itself and why we cannot just use the national constitution.
9 - The thing that confuses me most is the separation of state and national level powers. I’m confused of what applies to what and when it applies
10 - What are the main differences between open and closed primaries? And what are the pros and cons of each? Also, is there any specific reason why Texas and specifically Houston lacks mass transit systems even though Houston is a large, urban city?
11 - How are people supposed to vote if we are supposed to stay inside, or is voting postponed?
12 - why is the texas constitution so large?
13 - Do you think Texas will ever ratify its constitution to resemble the beliefs and values of people of today? I personally think that Texas will not while still remaining a republican state.
14 - What’s confusing is why if everyone hates Donald trump so much why did he become president? Why did people vote for him?
15 - What is confusing me the most is why the constitution may be very specific in some areas, but doesn't go into details in other areas. Or is it already as detailed as can be?
16 - Why are there so many political debates pout there?
Thursday, April 16, 2020
Some Stupid Question GOVT 2306 - 03
I'll start responding to these one by one.
1 - Is it possible for an election to be rigged? Could it be possible that elections aren't online in order to prevent the tech nerds from hacking the elections and rigging the election? For those states that do offer online voting, have they ever been hacked?
2 - the plural executive and bureaucracy in Texas. If you could explain and review again how it works?
3 - how does Texas court system work?
4 - There are more than five thousands local government in Texas. All of them are elected by the people and each member of these local governments have to seek for election and reelection every 2- 4 or six years. Why commissioners, judges etc have to be elected instead of appointed by the Texas governor. Wouldn't it be easy and cheaper for those member of the government to be appointed by the Texas governor?
5 - Why do a bunch of flawed people (politicians) get to to control a system (made by flawed people) that control a bunch of people (citizens) who are also flawed?
6 - Why is the patronage system not restricted or frowned upon since it is only about connections rather than qualifications? I am aware that Texas uses both the merit-based civil service system and patronage, but why do something that disregards other people's qualifications and focuses solely on who they voted for? Wouldn't that defeat the purpose of working hard in a career that is involved in politics because at the end of the day the patronage system is still there?
7 - Why is the judicial branch the strongest and how?
8 - This isn’t really related just a personal question. So, I would like to be more politically involved and do my part as a citizen. So my question is, what’s a good website to learn which party i side with and how I would chose my vote?
9 - I read in the textbook that Texas prisons can have prisoners produce items, but only for government organizations. So, does that mean things like the desks at the college were also produced in prisons?
1 - Is it possible for an election to be rigged? Could it be possible that elections aren't online in order to prevent the tech nerds from hacking the elections and rigging the election? For those states that do offer online voting, have they ever been hacked?
2 - the plural executive and bureaucracy in Texas. If you could explain and review again how it works?
3 - how does Texas court system work?
4 - There are more than five thousands local government in Texas. All of them are elected by the people and each member of these local governments have to seek for election and reelection every 2- 4 or six years. Why commissioners, judges etc have to be elected instead of appointed by the Texas governor. Wouldn't it be easy and cheaper for those member of the government to be appointed by the Texas governor?
5 - Why do a bunch of flawed people (politicians) get to to control a system (made by flawed people) that control a bunch of people (citizens) who are also flawed?
6 - Why is the patronage system not restricted or frowned upon since it is only about connections rather than qualifications? I am aware that Texas uses both the merit-based civil service system and patronage, but why do something that disregards other people's qualifications and focuses solely on who they voted for? Wouldn't that defeat the purpose of working hard in a career that is involved in politics because at the end of the day the patronage system is still there?
7 - Why is the judicial branch the strongest and how?
8 - This isn’t really related just a personal question. So, I would like to be more politically involved and do my part as a citizen. So my question is, what’s a good website to learn which party i side with and how I would chose my vote?
9 - I read in the textbook that Texas prisons can have prisoners produce items, but only for government organizations. So, does that mean things like the desks at the college were also produced in prisons?
Tuesday, April 14, 2020
The History of the Center for Disease Control and Prevention
From Wikipedia:
- click here for it.
The Communicable Disease Center was founded July 1, 1946, as the successor to the World War II Malaria Control in War Areas program of the Office of National Defense Malaria Control Activities.
Preceding its founding, organizations with global influence in malaria control were the Malaria Commission of the League of Nations and the Rockefeller Foundation. The Rockefeller Foundation greatly supported malaria control sought to have the governments take over some of its efforts, and collaborated with the agency.
The new agency was a branch of the U.S. Public Health Service and Atlanta was chosen as the location because malaria was endemic in the Southern United States. The agency changed names before adopting the name Communicable Disease Center in 1946. Offices were located on the sixth floor of the Volunteer Building on Peachtree Street.
With a budget at the time of about $1 million, 59 percent of its personnel were engaged in mosquito abatement and habitat control with the objective of control and eradication of malaria in the United States (see National Malaria Eradication Program).
- Click here for a timeline of its activities.
- click here for it.
The Communicable Disease Center was founded July 1, 1946, as the successor to the World War II Malaria Control in War Areas program of the Office of National Defense Malaria Control Activities.
Preceding its founding, organizations with global influence in malaria control were the Malaria Commission of the League of Nations and the Rockefeller Foundation. The Rockefeller Foundation greatly supported malaria control sought to have the governments take over some of its efforts, and collaborated with the agency.
The new agency was a branch of the U.S. Public Health Service and Atlanta was chosen as the location because malaria was endemic in the Southern United States. The agency changed names before adopting the name Communicable Disease Center in 1946. Offices were located on the sixth floor of the Volunteer Building on Peachtree Street.
With a budget at the time of about $1 million, 59 percent of its personnel were engaged in mosquito abatement and habitat control with the objective of control and eradication of malaria in the United States (see National Malaria Eradication Program).
- Click here for a timeline of its activities.
Monday, April 13, 2020
Some stupid questions
I'll address these later:
1 - I dont fully understand the difference between the state and national government. Also with the local governments. Who is in charge of what? I see signs on the road to vote for people that I don't even know what they would have the power to do. And how much power does the president really have when there's so many other people behind governmental decisions
I'd suggest rereading the chapters on federalism and separated powers. I'll post some online videos which can help as well, but here is just a bit on the topic:
Your first question asks about federalism - the split authority between the national, state, and local branches. This content also includes - to some degree - descriptions of the offices created on each level. Note that 2306 includes more content on state and local offices, since that is the subject matter of 2306. The basic difference between each level is their function, and who they are responsible to.
As far as what the president does, please review the chapter on the Constitution, as well as the chapter on the presidency. In brief, the president oversees the implementation of the law.
I'll post something related to the functions of the presidency as well.
2 - is a hotdog a sandwich? You told me to ask a stupid question that is indeed a stupid question; so I don’t know if you want me to ask a stupid question about the material this class or just a stupid question in general. So I’m going to stick with my question being: is hotdog a sandwich I feel it could spark an argument. This whole coronavirus thing this year has completely thrown me off but since most of your classe is online anyways besides, the in class lectures, I feel like I could still learn and benefit from this class even though we have a little hiccup in the year.
3 - Is cereal a soup? why or why not? The most confusing thing for me was the public opinion chapter just because there was a lot of information.
4 - What's the importance of government and what would our life be like without it?
5 - Why is the constitution up for so much interpretation and why do people have so many different ideas of what it means?
6 - Why do we have to necessarily learn about certain topics that have to do with economics if it's supposed to be based off of government? Whats confusing me the most about the topic is some of it contains information that you would learn about in economics and are based off of how the government controls the community as a whole. Then throughout the subject we start talking about different politics that sometimes are confusing, because it can either have something to do with whats going on in the world or it could be based off of something totally different.
1 - I dont fully understand the difference between the state and national government. Also with the local governments. Who is in charge of what? I see signs on the road to vote for people that I don't even know what they would have the power to do. And how much power does the president really have when there's so many other people behind governmental decisions
I'd suggest rereading the chapters on federalism and separated powers. I'll post some online videos which can help as well, but here is just a bit on the topic:
Your first question asks about federalism - the split authority between the national, state, and local branches. This content also includes - to some degree - descriptions of the offices created on each level. Note that 2306 includes more content on state and local offices, since that is the subject matter of 2306. The basic difference between each level is their function, and who they are responsible to.
As far as what the president does, please review the chapter on the Constitution, as well as the chapter on the presidency. In brief, the president oversees the implementation of the law.
I'll post something related to the functions of the presidency as well.
2 - is a hotdog a sandwich? You told me to ask a stupid question that is indeed a stupid question; so I don’t know if you want me to ask a stupid question about the material this class or just a stupid question in general. So I’m going to stick with my question being: is hotdog a sandwich I feel it could spark an argument. This whole coronavirus thing this year has completely thrown me off but since most of your classe is online anyways besides, the in class lectures, I feel like I could still learn and benefit from this class even though we have a little hiccup in the year.
3 - Is cereal a soup? why or why not? The most confusing thing for me was the public opinion chapter just because there was a lot of information.
4 - What's the importance of government and what would our life be like without it?
5 - Why is the constitution up for so much interpretation and why do people have so many different ideas of what it means?
6 - Why do we have to necessarily learn about certain topics that have to do with economics if it's supposed to be based off of government? Whats confusing me the most about the topic is some of it contains information that you would learn about in economics and are based off of how the government controls the community as a whole. Then throughout the subject we start talking about different politics that sometimes are confusing, because it can either have something to do with whats going on in the world or it could be based off of something totally different.
Thursday, March 12, 2020
Friday, March 6, 2020
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Texas_and_Pacific_Railway
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Pacific_Transportation_Company
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transcontinental_railroad
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oldest_railroads_in_North_America
https://tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/eqr01
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Texas_Mexican_Railway
https://tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/dft01
https://tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/eqb11
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Pacific_Transportation_Company
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transcontinental_railroad
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oldest_railroads_in_North_America
https://tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/eqr01
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Texas_Mexican_Railway
https://tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/dft01
https://tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/eqb11
From the Washington Monthly: The Youth Vote Emerges as a Problem for the Democrats
Same old problem.
- Click here for the article.
Super Tuesday voting concluded only a few hours ago, but political archeologists are already turning over the rubble. An early narrative focuses on the failure of young voters to turn out. According to the exit polls, youth turnout did not increase in a single Super Tuesday state. In fact, the profile of the electorate skewed much older than in recent primary elections. German Lopez of Vox explains:
Consider Texas: According to NBC News’s exit polls, the Democratic electorate actually skewed older in Tuesday’s primary compared to past primaries. In 2008 and 2016, 13 and 18 percent of the electorate, respectively, was 65 and older. In 2020, it was 24 percent.
Texas is getting older, but not at a rapid enough rate for that increase to be tied solely to state demographic trends. In fact, the share of the population that’s 65 and older is just 12.6 percent. Given Biden’s strength with this group of Texas voters — 46 percent support Biden, while just 16 percent support Sanders — that surge in older voters helps explain Biden’s narrow victory in the state.
Many commentators are questioning how Bernie Sanders expects to sell people on his revolution if he can’t even mobilize the kids to cast their votes. It’s a reasonable question, but Sanders did at least accomplish half of his goal. For example, among California voters age 18-29, Sanders beat Biden by a staggering 72 percent to 5 percent. In Texas, the margin was 65 percent to 11 percent.
So, Sanders really does have the overwhelming support of young voters and it’s undeniable that he’s produced some excitement among them, but somewhere this formula broke down.
- Click here for the article.
Super Tuesday voting concluded only a few hours ago, but political archeologists are already turning over the rubble. An early narrative focuses on the failure of young voters to turn out. According to the exit polls, youth turnout did not increase in a single Super Tuesday state. In fact, the profile of the electorate skewed much older than in recent primary elections. German Lopez of Vox explains:
Consider Texas: According to NBC News’s exit polls, the Democratic electorate actually skewed older in Tuesday’s primary compared to past primaries. In 2008 and 2016, 13 and 18 percent of the electorate, respectively, was 65 and older. In 2020, it was 24 percent.
Texas is getting older, but not at a rapid enough rate for that increase to be tied solely to state demographic trends. In fact, the share of the population that’s 65 and older is just 12.6 percent. Given Biden’s strength with this group of Texas voters — 46 percent support Biden, while just 16 percent support Sanders — that surge in older voters helps explain Biden’s narrow victory in the state.
Many commentators are questioning how Bernie Sanders expects to sell people on his revolution if he can’t even mobilize the kids to cast their votes. It’s a reasonable question, but Sanders did at least accomplish half of his goal. For example, among California voters age 18-29, Sanders beat Biden by a staggering 72 percent to 5 percent. In Texas, the margin was 65 percent to 11 percent.
So, Sanders really does have the overwhelming support of young voters and it’s undeniable that he’s produced some excitement among them, but somewhere this formula broke down.
From Vox: The Democratic voter surge was very real on Super Tuesday
More on turnout.
- Click here for the article.
The first two states in the Democratic primary elections cast some doubts as to whether voter turnout would increase much in 2020. But after Super Tuesday’s races, Democrats can likely put those doubts behind them.
In most states, voter turnout was significantly higher this year than it was in 2016:
In Alabama, turnout increased from more than 398,000 in 2016 to more than 451,000 in 2020.
In Arkansas, turnout increased from more than 218,000 with all votes counted to over 228,000 with more than 99 percent of precincts reporting.
In North Carolina, turnout increased from more than 1.1 million with all votes counted to more than 1.3 million with 99 percent of precincts reporting.
In Tennessee, turnout went from more than 371,000 to more than 513,000.
In Texas, turnout rose from more than 1.4 million with all votes counted to more than 2.1 million with more than 99 percent of precincts reporting.
In Vermont, turnout increased from nearly 135,000 with all votes counted to more than 157,000 with roughly 89 percent of precincts reporting.
In Virginia, turnout grew from nearly 783,000 to more than 1.3 million.
- Click here for the article.
The first two states in the Democratic primary elections cast some doubts as to whether voter turnout would increase much in 2020. But after Super Tuesday’s races, Democrats can likely put those doubts behind them.
In most states, voter turnout was significantly higher this year than it was in 2016:
In Alabama, turnout increased from more than 398,000 in 2016 to more than 451,000 in 2020.
In Arkansas, turnout increased from more than 218,000 with all votes counted to over 228,000 with more than 99 percent of precincts reporting.
In North Carolina, turnout increased from more than 1.1 million with all votes counted to more than 1.3 million with 99 percent of precincts reporting.
In Tennessee, turnout went from more than 371,000 to more than 513,000.
In Texas, turnout rose from more than 1.4 million with all votes counted to more than 2.1 million with more than 99 percent of precincts reporting.
In Vermont, turnout increased from nearly 135,000 with all votes counted to more than 157,000 with roughly 89 percent of precincts reporting.
In Virginia, turnout grew from nearly 783,000 to more than 1.3 million.
From 538: What We Know About The Voters Who Swung Super Tuesday For Biden
For our look at the composition of the electorate, and voter behavior.
- Click here for the article.
A key part of former Vice President Joe Biden’s success on Super Tuesday was his strong performance among voters who had only made up their minds in the last few days. According to exit poll data, Biden won at least 40 percent — if not more — of the late-deciding vote in every state except Sanders’s home state of Vermont.
But who exactly were these voters? And why did they so overwhelmingly back Biden at the last minute? If we look at the exit poll data we have, there is a lot of variation from state to state, but there are a few key trends from Tuesday:
1. Late deciders, on average, were more moderate.
2. Voters in the Northeast (Maine, Massachusetts and Vermont) and the Midwest (Minnesota) were especially likely to decide late (nearly half did) while voters in some parts of the South and California were more likely to have cast their ballot early (in California, mail-in voting played a huge role in boosting early voting numbers).
3. Biden picked up a lot of support among white voters who decided late.
- Click here for the article.
A key part of former Vice President Joe Biden’s success on Super Tuesday was his strong performance among voters who had only made up their minds in the last few days. According to exit poll data, Biden won at least 40 percent — if not more — of the late-deciding vote in every state except Sanders’s home state of Vermont.
But who exactly were these voters? And why did they so overwhelmingly back Biden at the last minute? If we look at the exit poll data we have, there is a lot of variation from state to state, but there are a few key trends from Tuesday:
1. Late deciders, on average, were more moderate.
2. Voters in the Northeast (Maine, Massachusetts and Vermont) and the Midwest (Minnesota) were especially likely to decide late (nearly half did) while voters in some parts of the South and California were more likely to have cast their ballot early (in California, mail-in voting played a huge role in boosting early voting numbers).
3. Biden picked up a lot of support among white voters who decided late.
From the Texas Tribune: Just a quarter of registered voters in Texas participated in the 2020 presidential primary
For our look at turnout.
- Click here for the article.
For the first time since 2008, more Texans voted in the Democratic presidential primary than in the Republican primary — but just barely.
With all polling places tallied Thursday, Democrats had cast 2,076,046 votes in the pitched contest to take on President Donald Trump in November. Meanwhile, Republicans cast 2,008,385 votes in the presidential contest. Overall, a small majority of votes — 2,071,745 — came during early voting, and 2,012,686 were cast on election day, according to the Texas secretary of state’s office.
More than anything, turnout in presidential primary elections has historically served as a measure of the competitiveness of the race and the heightened enthusiasm that comes with that. That was particularly true this year when the Democratic field narrowed significantly just before Super Tuesday, when Texas’ massive haul of delegates came up for grabs.
Republicans voting in the presidential primary had outpaced Democrats during the state’s early voting period. The opposite was true on election day.
The increased election day turnout was felt on the ground. In Bexar County, election officials said they averaged 6,000 voters an hour in the first three hours of voting.
To no one’s surprise given the state’s depressing turnout history, a small slice of Texas’ total electorate participated in Tuesday’s presidential primary. With 16.2 million Texans registered to vote, just 25.2% cast a ballot in the primary election.
- Click here for the article.
For the first time since 2008, more Texans voted in the Democratic presidential primary than in the Republican primary — but just barely.
With all polling places tallied Thursday, Democrats had cast 2,076,046 votes in the pitched contest to take on President Donald Trump in November. Meanwhile, Republicans cast 2,008,385 votes in the presidential contest. Overall, a small majority of votes — 2,071,745 — came during early voting, and 2,012,686 were cast on election day, according to the Texas secretary of state’s office.
More than anything, turnout in presidential primary elections has historically served as a measure of the competitiveness of the race and the heightened enthusiasm that comes with that. That was particularly true this year when the Democratic field narrowed significantly just before Super Tuesday, when Texas’ massive haul of delegates came up for grabs.
Republicans voting in the presidential primary had outpaced Democrats during the state’s early voting period. The opposite was true on election day.
The increased election day turnout was felt on the ground. In Bexar County, election officials said they averaged 6,000 voters an hour in the first three hours of voting.
To no one’s surprise given the state’s depressing turnout history, a small slice of Texas’ total electorate participated in Tuesday’s presidential primary. With 16.2 million Texans registered to vote, just 25.2% cast a ballot in the primary election.
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