Thursday, October 13, 2011

Florence v. Board of Chosen Freeholders of the County of Burlington

The Supreme Court heard arguments yesterday about the following, according to Scotusblog:

Does the Constitution permit the government to strip search every person admitted to a jail, even if there is no reasonable basis to suspect that the person has hidden weapons or contraband?

For more detail:
- ACLU
- The Volock Conspiracy.
- The NYT.

Update: Jeffrey Rosen wants the court to rule against strip searches for people arrested for trivial offenses. He points out that this has been the case up until recently:

For decades, federal courts had held that people arrested for minor offenses couldn’t be strip searched unless prison officials had reason to suspect them of concealing weapons or contraband. But over the past three years, some federal appellate courts have reached the opposite conclusion. By reaffirming the traditional prohibition on suspicionless strip searches, the Supreme Court can resurrect a basic constitutional principle that it has allowed to erode in recent years: namely, that the intrusiveness of a search should be proportional to the seriousness of the suspected crime.
Here's more:

At the time of the Framing, juries had the discretion to rule against the government in cases where the intrusiveness of a search outweighed the seriousness of a crime. In the case that inspired the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition on unreasonable searches, for example, a British jury awarded John Wilkes a thousand pounds after the King’s agents searched his desk drawers for evidence that identified him as the author of an anonymous pamphlet criticizing the King. In the jury’s view, the crime of which Wilkes was suspected—seditious libel—didn’t justify such an intrusive search of his most intimate papers and effects.

That bit is fascinating. Considering the attention given to original intent, is it worth considering how searches were conducted in colonial and early America?

And this:

During the early twentieth century, this proportionality principle was retained in criminal statutes: During Prohibition, for example, it was illegal to sell alcohol, but not to purchase or possess it. That sensible limitation was abandoned, however, during the war on drugs, when Congress and the states imposed ruinous penalties on drug possession and purchase. This effectively spelled the end of the proportionality principle: Suddenly the police could approach anyone whom they suspected of carrying a small amount of drugs and do a full body pat down or car search. The principle eroded further as the police began to use low-level traffic violations as a pretext for enforcing the drug laws: They could pull over virtually any motorist for speeding or turning without signaling, and use the encounter as a pretext to look for drugs.

I'm not paranoid by nature, but are we allowing the gradual development of a police state? I'm especially interested since so many students seem to support expansive police powers.