Sunday, September 26, 2010
Presidential Addresses to School Children
After a discussion with some friends about whether Obama is the first president to address school children, I decided to look it up. Here's info from Politifact. Both Reagan and HW Bush addressed school kids. And yes, Democrats had the same type of objections to the address (Bush's) as as Republicans do now to Obama's.
Two Economies? Poverty Rates Rise, but so do the Number of Millionaires
Perhaps this is more evidence that we are living in two different economies. While the Census Bureau reports that the number of people living in poverty (under the federally defined poverty threshold) has increased from 13.2% in 2008 to 14.3% in 2009, the number of millionaires living in the United States increased.
Will there be political fallout from this?
FYI:
- Quality of Living vs. Quality of Life.
Will there be political fallout from this?
FYI:
- Quality of Living vs. Quality of Life.
Does the Republican National Committee Matter Anymore?
Juan Williams reports on efforts of Republicans to bypass the RNC and promote Republican candidates and ideas by other means. Karl Rove has set up independent groups that will take advantage of recent court decisions that allow unlimited spending on campaigns by third party groups, and of course Tea Party candidates are taking on the Republican establishment at least as much as they are taking on Obama and the Democrats.
Sp does this strenghten or weaken the party? While it may make the party more receptive to the various passionate viewpoints among its identifiers (which is essential if it to be effective electorally), it might also compromise the party's cohesiveness (its willingness to vote together as a solid block), which has been the source of its strength. Expect a power struggle within the party -- especially if it wins the House or Senate -- centered on what agenda it will pursue. Someone will win, someone will lose. Will the losers -- especially if it is the Tea Partiers -- follow the winners lockstep, or will internal rebellion ensue?
NYT: Karl Rove is building a "shadow" Republican Party.
Sp does this strenghten or weaken the party? While it may make the party more receptive to the various passionate viewpoints among its identifiers (which is essential if it to be effective electorally), it might also compromise the party's cohesiveness (its willingness to vote together as a solid block), which has been the source of its strength. Expect a power struggle within the party -- especially if it wins the House or Senate -- centered on what agenda it will pursue. Someone will win, someone will lose. Will the losers -- especially if it is the Tea Partiers -- follow the winners lockstep, or will internal rebellion ensue?
NYT: Karl Rove is building a "shadow" Republican Party.
Saturday, September 25, 2010
Regarding Standing: Who Has the Right to Sue?
The concept of "standing" refers to whether the court has the jurisdiction to hear a particular case, which is a nice way of saying that a litigant does not in fact have the right to sue, or take a case to court. The current court has increasingly restricted the concept of standing, meaning that access to the courts has contracted recently. Cases, like the one involving have been the inclusion of "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance, not on the merits, but because the person who brought the case forward was not directly affected by the law.
Linda Greenhouse predicts that the Supreme Court will get tangled up now that conservatives want to challenge the constitutionality of the health care law, among other things.
Linda Greenhouse predicts that the Supreme Court will get tangled up now that conservatives want to challenge the constitutionality of the health care law, among other things.
The Tea Party and the Proper Interpretation of the Constitution
Ron Chernow, who has written about Alexander Hamilton among others, disagrees with the Tea Party's claim that they speak for the founder's vision of the Constitution. He tells us that disputes over proper interpretation stem from the question about whether the Constitution authorized the creation of a national bank, even though that power is not specifically delegated in the document. Hamilton and Washington believed that the bank was authorized through the necessary and proper clause, while Madison and Jefferson said it didn't.
John Marshall would claim that this episode led to the development of the two party system:
John Marshall, the famed chief justice, traced the rise of the two-party system to that blistering episode, and American politics soon took on a nastily partisan tone. That the outstanding figures of the two main factions, Hamilton and Jefferson, both belonged to Washington’s cabinet attests to the fundamental disagreements within the country. Hamilton and his Federalist Party espoused a strong federal government, led by a powerful executive branch, and endorsed a liberal reading of the Constitution; although he resisted the label at first, Washington clearly belonged to this camp.
Jefferson and his Republicans (not related to today’s Republicans) advocated states’ rights, a weak federal government and strict construction of the Constitution. The Tea Party can claim legitimate descent from Jefferson and Madison, even though they founded what became the Democratic Party. On the other hand, Washington and Hamilton — founders of no mean stature — embraced an expansive view of the Constitution. That would scarcely sit well with Tea Party advocates, many of whom adhere to the judicial doctrine of originalism — i.e., that any interpretation of the Constitution must abide by the intent of those founders who crafted it.
And that helps explain political controversies ever since.
John Marshall would claim that this episode led to the development of the two party system:
John Marshall, the famed chief justice, traced the rise of the two-party system to that blistering episode, and American politics soon took on a nastily partisan tone. That the outstanding figures of the two main factions, Hamilton and Jefferson, both belonged to Washington’s cabinet attests to the fundamental disagreements within the country. Hamilton and his Federalist Party espoused a strong federal government, led by a powerful executive branch, and endorsed a liberal reading of the Constitution; although he resisted the label at first, Washington clearly belonged to this camp.
Jefferson and his Republicans (not related to today’s Republicans) advocated states’ rights, a weak federal government and strict construction of the Constitution. The Tea Party can claim legitimate descent from Jefferson and Madison, even though they founded what became the Democratic Party. On the other hand, Washington and Hamilton — founders of no mean stature — embraced an expansive view of the Constitution. That would scarcely sit well with Tea Party advocates, many of whom adhere to the judicial doctrine of originalism — i.e., that any interpretation of the Constitution must abide by the intent of those founders who crafted it.
And that helps explain political controversies ever since.
The Elected Iowa Judiciary
Iowa voters aim to vote out state judges who approved the recognition of same sex marriages. This is a reminder that it matters whether judges are appointed or elected.
On the Supreme Court's Use of History in Fourth Amendment Cases
For our upcoming discussion of civil liberties: Grits for Breakfast provides a link to a recently published critique -- The Fourth Amendment: History, Purpose, and Remedies, by Arnold Loewy -- of the Supreme Courts' Fourth Amendment rulings.
Grits highlights the following from a talk by Loewy:
Frankly, I would rate the Supreme Court’s use of history as spotty and inconsistent. Let’s compare, for example, Watson v. United States and Tennessee v. Garner. In Watson, the Court examined the history of the right to arrest without a warrant for a felony which the police officer has probable cause to believe was committed by the arrestee. The Court concluded correctly that at common law arrests for a previously committed felony without a warrant were permitted. Substantially, but not exclusively, because of this history, the Court upheld the right to make a warrantless arrest for a previously-committed felony.
So far so good, but there is one major question that the Court did not ask, despite the urging of Justice Marshall’s concurrence: That question is whether the concept of felony meant the same today as it did at common law when the “no need for a warrant” rule developed. The answer seems to be pretty clearly “no.” At common law, all felonies were both violent and capital. Consequently when a police officer saw a felon at large, it was likely a violent individual, who, if he escaped, would escape the hangman.
Watson, on the other hand, was a non-violent credit card defrauder, who in modern times, is a felon. Well, does history demand that this type of felon be treated the same way as the violent felons for which the common law did not require a warrant? My answer would be either “no,” or at least “not necessarily.” Surely the common law rule calling for the arrest of violent, capital felons tells us little about whether the same rule applies to non-violent defrauders, such as Watson.
Loewy highlights, repeatedly, the requirement that searches be "reasonable" but criticizes its consistency in how it defines what is and isn't reasonable, and whether the court thinks that it is its job to apply it in every case where a question is raised.
Again, an extended Loewy quote from Grits -- this involves a court case that stemmed from an incident in Lago Vistam where Highway 6 intersects I-45:
The operative word in ... the Fourth Amendment ... is “reasonable.” Indeed, in case after case, the Court has emphasized that the overarching principle of the Fourth Amendment is reasonableness. Most of the time when the Court cites “reasonableness” as the overarching principle, it does so to uphold a search; e.g. There is no need for a warrant here because the search comports with the overarching principle of reasonableness. Without regard to the correctness of those decisions, one would have thought that the same principle (if indeed it is a principle) would have applied in Atwater. But it did not. The Court conceded that as applied to Atwater herself, the arrest was clearly unreasonable. As the Court so starkly put it: “Atwater’s claim to live free of pointless indignity and confinement clearly outweighs anything the City can raise against it specific to her case.”
So, one might have thought that the finding of individual unreasonableness would have ended the case, but it did not. Rather, the Court continued: “But we have traditionally recognized that a responsible Fourth Amendment balance is not well served by standards requiring sensitive, case-by-case determinations of government need, lest every discretionary judgment in the field be converted into an occasion for constitutional review.”
Yet just five years earlier, in Ohio v. Robinette, the Court had said: “We have long held that the ‘touchstone of the Fourth Amendment is reasonableness.’ Reasonableness in turn is measured in objective terms by examining the totality of the circumstances. In applying this test we have consistently eschewed bright-line rules, instead emphasizing the fact specific nature of the inquiry.”
I suppose that a cynic could say that it all depends on whose ox is gored. If the police win with a bright-line rule (as in Atwater) then bright-line rules are good. But if a citizen wins by employing a bright-line rule (as in Robinette) that is bad. I am inclined to favor flexibility (so that Atwater would have won, and frankly so would Robinette, if flexibility had been applied properly). But, however one might resolve that question, we can surely expect more consistency (and more reasonableness) from the Court than we saw in Atwater.
Grits highlights the following from a talk by Loewy:
Frankly, I would rate the Supreme Court’s use of history as spotty and inconsistent. Let’s compare, for example, Watson v. United States and Tennessee v. Garner. In Watson, the Court examined the history of the right to arrest without a warrant for a felony which the police officer has probable cause to believe was committed by the arrestee. The Court concluded correctly that at common law arrests for a previously committed felony without a warrant were permitted. Substantially, but not exclusively, because of this history, the Court upheld the right to make a warrantless arrest for a previously-committed felony.
So far so good, but there is one major question that the Court did not ask, despite the urging of Justice Marshall’s concurrence: That question is whether the concept of felony meant the same today as it did at common law when the “no need for a warrant” rule developed. The answer seems to be pretty clearly “no.” At common law, all felonies were both violent and capital. Consequently when a police officer saw a felon at large, it was likely a violent individual, who, if he escaped, would escape the hangman.
Watson, on the other hand, was a non-violent credit card defrauder, who in modern times, is a felon. Well, does history demand that this type of felon be treated the same way as the violent felons for which the common law did not require a warrant? My answer would be either “no,” or at least “not necessarily.” Surely the common law rule calling for the arrest of violent, capital felons tells us little about whether the same rule applies to non-violent defrauders, such as Watson.
Loewy highlights, repeatedly, the requirement that searches be "reasonable" but criticizes its consistency in how it defines what is and isn't reasonable, and whether the court thinks that it is its job to apply it in every case where a question is raised.
Again, an extended Loewy quote from Grits -- this involves a court case that stemmed from an incident in Lago Vistam where Highway 6 intersects I-45:
The operative word in ... the Fourth Amendment ... is “reasonable.” Indeed, in case after case, the Court has emphasized that the overarching principle of the Fourth Amendment is reasonableness. Most of the time when the Court cites “reasonableness” as the overarching principle, it does so to uphold a search; e.g. There is no need for a warrant here because the search comports with the overarching principle of reasonableness. Without regard to the correctness of those decisions, one would have thought that the same principle (if indeed it is a principle) would have applied in Atwater. But it did not. The Court conceded that as applied to Atwater herself, the arrest was clearly unreasonable. As the Court so starkly put it: “Atwater’s claim to live free of pointless indignity and confinement clearly outweighs anything the City can raise against it specific to her case.”
So, one might have thought that the finding of individual unreasonableness would have ended the case, but it did not. Rather, the Court continued: “But we have traditionally recognized that a responsible Fourth Amendment balance is not well served by standards requiring sensitive, case-by-case determinations of government need, lest every discretionary judgment in the field be converted into an occasion for constitutional review.”
Yet just five years earlier, in Ohio v. Robinette, the Court had said: “We have long held that the ‘touchstone of the Fourth Amendment is reasonableness.’ Reasonableness in turn is measured in objective terms by examining the totality of the circumstances. In applying this test we have consistently eschewed bright-line rules, instead emphasizing the fact specific nature of the inquiry.”
I suppose that a cynic could say that it all depends on whose ox is gored. If the police win with a bright-line rule (as in Atwater) then bright-line rules are good. But if a citizen wins by employing a bright-line rule (as in Robinette) that is bad. I am inclined to favor flexibility (so that Atwater would have won, and frankly so would Robinette, if flexibility had been applied properly). But, however one might resolve that question, we can surely expect more consistency (and more reasonableness) from the Court than we saw in Atwater.
Friday, September 24, 2010
A Conservative Reappaises Carter's Presidency
And likes what he sees.
Presidencies are reconsidered from time to time, today's success is tomorrow's failure, and vice versa. Jimmy Carter began increasing the size of the military, deregulated tracking and the airlines, and a few other things that conservatives normally like. Being a Democrat, they'd be naturally inclined to discount his achievements, but things change.
Presidencies are reconsidered from time to time, today's success is tomorrow's failure, and vice versa. Jimmy Carter began increasing the size of the military, deregulated tracking and the airlines, and a few other things that conservatives normally like. Being a Democrat, they'd be naturally inclined to discount his achievements, but things change.
The Road to Serfdom
Frederick Hayek's Road to Serfdom has been promoted recently by opponents of policies passed by Democrats in Congress and supported by President Obama. Written during World War II and the heyday of Nazism and the rise of Communism, the book argued that a society where governments centrally plan their economies inevitably become tyrannical. The debatable question is whether universal health care, countercyclical economic policymaking (the stimulus), and banking re-regulation pushes the nation towards tyranny, or whether they are sensible means of addressing national problems. It's a worthy argument.
One writer argues that he sees tendencies towards "serfdom" in each party's agendas. Are both Democrats and Republicans supporting (separate) policies that enhance the power of the state? Democrats seek to expand government's power over the economic sphere while Republicans support expansions of police activity.
This article is useful in many contexts, including our upcoming discussion of civil liberties in 2301.
For more background:
- Wikipedia: The Road to Serfdom.
- Google Books.
- The Illustrated Road to Serfdom.
- Ummmmm...What's a Serf?
One writer argues that he sees tendencies towards "serfdom" in each party's agendas. Are both Democrats and Republicans supporting (separate) policies that enhance the power of the state? Democrats seek to expand government's power over the economic sphere while Republicans support expansions of police activity.
This article is useful in many contexts, including our upcoming discussion of civil liberties in 2301.
For more background:
- Wikipedia: The Road to Serfdom.
- Google Books.
- The Illustrated Road to Serfdom.
- Ummmmm...What's a Serf?
I'm Back ...
I'm back in town after four days camping out in Colorado. I'll adjust eventually.
I'll begin grading last week's written assignments soon. Hopefully they will all be done by Sunday, just in time to begin grading this week's. My apologies for the delay.
The schedule for 2301 will stay the same. We will begin lecturing on the separated powers, the nature of the three institutions of government, and how the checks and balances are designed to keep these powers separate. This will continue our analysis of the principles embedded in the Constitution.
2302 will be a bit different. After spending the previous weeks looking at the evolution of legislative branches, the constitutional design of the U.S. and Texas legislatures, and how each institution has evolved over time, we will use this background as a way to constructively analyze recent legislative activity with a special focus on budgetary policymaking. In order to open things up, I'm going to cancel the assessment this week, but ask you to address -- probably -- three written questions related to current legislative issues. We'll go over these next week.
In the mean time I'll catch up on ongoing events and post items useful to our discussion.
I'll begin grading last week's written assignments soon. Hopefully they will all be done by Sunday, just in time to begin grading this week's. My apologies for the delay.
The schedule for 2301 will stay the same. We will begin lecturing on the separated powers, the nature of the three institutions of government, and how the checks and balances are designed to keep these powers separate. This will continue our analysis of the principles embedded in the Constitution.
2302 will be a bit different. After spending the previous weeks looking at the evolution of legislative branches, the constitutional design of the U.S. and Texas legislatures, and how each institution has evolved over time, we will use this background as a way to constructively analyze recent legislative activity with a special focus on budgetary policymaking. In order to open things up, I'm going to cancel the assessment this week, but ask you to address -- probably -- three written questions related to current legislative issues. We'll go over these next week.
In the mean time I'll catch up on ongoing events and post items useful to our discussion.
Saturday, September 18, 2010
Conventional Wisdom - The Week of 9/18/10
The general consensus this week among commentators is that Christine O'Donnell's win in the Delaware Republican primary contest for the U.S. Senate completes the Tea Party's takeover of the Republican Party for this electoral cycle, and perhaps for 2012. By winning a decent handful of primary contests, they have defined the positions the party will take to the voters in the general election in less than two months. This aplies to a number of items we will cover in 2301, especially our discussion of the decentralized nature of political parties and the interplay among the various factors that influence what positions they take on issue in a given election.
Some random related readings:
Here, Mike Castle articulates his policy positions, the positions refuted by Delaware Republican Primary voters. They include support for cap-and-trade and stem cell research, he is also pro-choice on abortion. His loss helps explain how the two parties arrive at the positions they take on legislation. It's more bottom-up than top-down.
Nate Silver argues that O'Donnell's ideological positions make her less likely to win the general election in Delaware than would her more moderate opponent. He downgrades the chance that a Republican will win the Delaware Senate seat, as well as the chance that the Republican Party will take over the Senate.
TNR wonders whether a more conservative House will elect existing minority leader John Boehner Speaker.
Andrew Sullivan surveys the field opining about whether this makes Sarah Palin the front runner for the Republican 2012 nomination.
Some random related readings:
Here, Mike Castle articulates his policy positions, the positions refuted by Delaware Republican Primary voters. They include support for cap-and-trade and stem cell research, he is also pro-choice on abortion. His loss helps explain how the two parties arrive at the positions they take on legislation. It's more bottom-up than top-down.
Nate Silver argues that O'Donnell's ideological positions make her less likely to win the general election in Delaware than would her more moderate opponent. He downgrades the chance that a Republican will win the Delaware Senate seat, as well as the chance that the Republican Party will take over the Senate.
TNR wonders whether a more conservative House will elect existing minority leader John Boehner Speaker.
Andrew Sullivan surveys the field opining about whether this makes Sarah Palin the front runner for the Republican 2012 nomination.
A Confused Public?
Next week my 2301s start digging into the constitutional principle of republicanism and how James Madison justifies it in Federalist #10. Pure democracies are turbulent and short lived, he argues, and an elected class is necessary in order to ensure that passion is filtered out of the governing process. The following comment might explain why:
Are voters confused? For a while now, there has been a seeming disconnect in the polls. In the most recent CBS News poll we see it again, more voters say they have an unfavorable view of Republicans (58 percent) than of Democrats (56 percent), and more disapprove of GOP policies (68 percent) than of Democratic ones (58 percent). On key questions about the economy, they also like Democratic policies better than Republican policies. For example, when CBS asked which party was better at helping small business, respondents preferred the Democrats 49 percent to 41 percent. Asked about creating new jobs the response was 44 percent to 38 percent in favor of Democrats.
Yet when you ask people if they will be voting for the Republican over the Democrat, they say yes. The margin is only two points (40 percent to 38 percent), but given those other numbers, wouldn't you expect people to favor Democrats?
The answer is probably that given current hardships, a large segment of the voting population wants to punish someone, and the people in charge happen to be Democrats. It seems pointless to punish the party not in charge regardless what their policy positions are. The content of policy proposals matters less than who controls the governing institutions. Does this make for a rational public?
Update:
Jonathan Cohn and Joe Klein make much the same point. One point made by angry voters. They don't government spending or deficits, but they want quick government spending on jobs, apparently even it if leads to larger deficits.
Are voters confused? For a while now, there has been a seeming disconnect in the polls. In the most recent CBS News poll we see it again, more voters say they have an unfavorable view of Republicans (58 percent) than of Democrats (56 percent), and more disapprove of GOP policies (68 percent) than of Democratic ones (58 percent). On key questions about the economy, they also like Democratic policies better than Republican policies. For example, when CBS asked which party was better at helping small business, respondents preferred the Democrats 49 percent to 41 percent. Asked about creating new jobs the response was 44 percent to 38 percent in favor of Democrats.
Yet when you ask people if they will be voting for the Republican over the Democrat, they say yes. The margin is only two points (40 percent to 38 percent), but given those other numbers, wouldn't you expect people to favor Democrats?
The answer is probably that given current hardships, a large segment of the voting population wants to punish someone, and the people in charge happen to be Democrats. It seems pointless to punish the party not in charge regardless what their policy positions are. The content of policy proposals matters less than who controls the governing institutions. Does this make for a rational public?
Update:
Jonathan Cohn and Joe Klein make much the same point. One point made by angry voters. They don't government spending or deficits, but they want quick government spending on jobs, apparently even it if leads to larger deficits.
How the Political Brain Works
We cover some of this material in 2301 when we discuss the formation of public opinion and how people process media information, so there's nothing new in this story pointing out that we can be made to believe propaganda except additional evidence about how it can happen:
In recent years, dozens of psychological studies have shown that we shape incoming information as much as it shapes us. We sift and sort, choosing what we like and discarding what we don't. Much of this happens unconsciously in what I call the hidden brain. We see the effects of these mental gymnastics all the time: Few people change their minds on hot-button issues, even when new information is provided to them. Political commentators generate lots of heat, but when was the last time you heard about a liberal who was persuaded by Rush Limbaugh? Or a conservative who switched parties after watching a Michael Moore movie? The partisan divide in the country has barely budged for over a decade—hardly what you'd expect if the hyper-partisan information we see all around us was having much effect.
In recent years, dozens of psychological studies have shown that we shape incoming information as much as it shapes us. We sift and sort, choosing what we like and discarding what we don't. Much of this happens unconsciously in what I call the hidden brain. We see the effects of these mental gymnastics all the time: Few people change their minds on hot-button issues, even when new information is provided to them. Political commentators generate lots of heat, but when was the last time you heard about a liberal who was persuaded by Rush Limbaugh? Or a conservative who switched parties after watching a Michael Moore movie? The partisan divide in the country has barely budged for over a decade—hardly what you'd expect if the hyper-partisan information we see all around us was having much effect.
Friday, September 17, 2010
Speaking of Innovation
While we are speaking of design innovation, here's a new wrinkle on manufacturing. NASA has apparently played a key role in spurring 3D printing technology, among many other technologies. One of the roles the federal government has played over its history has been to pump funding into the development of technology that has yet to prove itself in the marketplace yet. Here's the latest example. Could 3D manufacturing make factories obsolete?
Can Fashion Designs be Patented?
In both 2301 and 2302 we touched on Article I of the Constitution and the delegated power Congress has:
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
This authorizes Congress to pass Patent Laws, which it first did in 1790 when it created the Patent Office. The power is based on the idea that allowing people monopoly control over their ideas and the products of those ideas encourages innovation. That this control is time-limited allows the idea to enter into the public domain and spur additional innovation. But not everything can be patented.
NPR reports on a controversy involving fashion designers and their efforts to obtain the right to patent their designs. Design has historically been considered a craft and not subject to patents. Designers wouldlike to have the ability to profit from their creations -- they are commonly, easily, and often copied.
Patent lawyers certainly would be interested in gaining the opportunity to ply their trade tracking down copycats. While listening to the story, it occurred to me that if designs were patented it would be crucial how the term "design" was defined. Imagine creating an ensemble off the cuff one morning and while walking in a public place you were informed that what you were wearing violated a designers patent rights. Could you argue that you had a right to wear what you wished and that this right superseded the designer's patent rights? There is no right to fashion in the Constitution -- you'd probably have to argue self-expression, but that involves a loose interpretation of the free speech clause.
This might not be a proper example, but limits on who could wear what are not novel in history.
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
This authorizes Congress to pass Patent Laws, which it first did in 1790 when it created the Patent Office. The power is based on the idea that allowing people monopoly control over their ideas and the products of those ideas encourages innovation. That this control is time-limited allows the idea to enter into the public domain and spur additional innovation. But not everything can be patented.
NPR reports on a controversy involving fashion designers and their efforts to obtain the right to patent their designs. Design has historically been considered a craft and not subject to patents. Designers wouldlike to have the ability to profit from their creations -- they are commonly, easily, and often copied.
Patent lawyers certainly would be interested in gaining the opportunity to ply their trade tracking down copycats. While listening to the story, it occurred to me that if designs were patented it would be crucial how the term "design" was defined. Imagine creating an ensemble off the cuff one morning and while walking in a public place you were informed that what you were wearing violated a designers patent rights. Could you argue that you had a right to wear what you wished and that this right superseded the designer's patent rights? There is no right to fashion in the Constitution -- you'd probably have to argue self-expression, but that involves a loose interpretation of the free speech clause.
This might not be a proper example, but limits on who could wear what are not novel in history.
Harris County Public Defender Board Appointed
From the Chron:
Commissioners Court has appointed the 15 members of the first Harris County Public Defender Board, which will oversee the public defender office scheduled to launch early next year.
The members are:
Commissioner El Franco Lee
Commissioner Sylvia Garcia
Judge Mike Anderson, criminal district courts
Judge Mike Schneider, juvenile district courts
Judge Jean Hughes, county criminal courts
Bob Wessels, manager of county courts
Clay Bowman, administrator of district courts
George McCall Secrest, Jr., Houston Bar Association
Andrew G. McGee, Houston Lawyers Association
Joel Edward Salazar, Mexican American Bar Association
Lawrence D. Finder, attorney at Haynes and Boone
Mark Hochglaube, indigent defense attorney
Kathryn M. Kase, senior staff attorney at Texas Defender Service (Disclosure: Kase is the wife of Chronicle Editor Jeff Cohen)
Rev. James Edward Nash, Sunnyside Place Community Development Corporation
Marcia Johnson, Thurgood Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University
- Wikipedia: Public Defender.
Commissioners Court has appointed the 15 members of the first Harris County Public Defender Board, which will oversee the public defender office scheduled to launch early next year.
The members are:
Commissioner El Franco Lee
Commissioner Sylvia Garcia
Judge Mike Anderson, criminal district courts
Judge Mike Schneider, juvenile district courts
Judge Jean Hughes, county criminal courts
Bob Wessels, manager of county courts
Clay Bowman, administrator of district courts
George McCall Secrest, Jr., Houston Bar Association
Andrew G. McGee, Houston Lawyers Association
Joel Edward Salazar, Mexican American Bar Association
Lawrence D. Finder, attorney at Haynes and Boone
Mark Hochglaube, indigent defense attorney
Kathryn M. Kase, senior staff attorney at Texas Defender Service (Disclosure: Kase is the wife of Chronicle Editor Jeff Cohen)
Rev. James Edward Nash, Sunnyside Place Community Development Corporation
Marcia Johnson, Thurgood Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University
- Wikipedia: Public Defender.
START Treaty Approved by Senate Committee
From The Hill, constitutional checks and balances in action:
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Thursday approved a critical first vote on the START arms-control treaty between the U.S. and Russia, setting up a final ratification vote likely after the November elections.
The committee voted 14-4 to approve the treaty, signed in April by President Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. The pact will reduce missiles, warheads and launchers in both countries and would replace a previous agreement that expired in December.
.
- Wikipedia: The Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
- Wikipedia: Start Treaty.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Thursday approved a critical first vote on the START arms-control treaty between the U.S. and Russia, setting up a final ratification vote likely after the November elections.
The committee voted 14-4 to approve the treaty, signed in April by President Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. The pact will reduce missiles, warheads and launchers in both countries and would replace a previous agreement that expired in December.
.
- Wikipedia: The Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
- Wikipedia: Start Treaty.
Major Votes of the 111th Congress
For a future discussion in 2302 about Congress: NYT has a list of the major legislation passed by the 111th Congress.
Wednesday, September 15, 2010
The Regulate, Control and Tax Cannabis Act of 2010
For our upcoming discussion of direct democracy -- recall that the Constitution establishes a republic -- here's the latest from California, the center of initiative activities, which in turn can influence the nature of policy policy change elsewhere: the Regulate, Control and Tax Cannabis Act of 2010. The bill would effectively legalize marijuana (Click here for lists of other initiatives considered in the states). .
Past heads of the DEA are threatening to sue the state if this passes, but here's a question about what the suit would be based upon.
Aside from whether this is good idea substantively, there is the federalism issue. Marijuana would remain illegal nationally, which sets up the obvious fight.
Past heads of the DEA are threatening to sue the state if this passes, but here's a question about what the suit would be based upon.
Aside from whether this is good idea substantively, there is the federalism issue. Marijuana would remain illegal nationally, which sets up the obvious fight.
Tuesday, September 14, 2010
Some Thoughts While Grading 2301 -- Assignment #2
A asked my 2301 a random vague question designed to stir thoughts about consent and how it impacts governmental institutions through periodic elections -- such as the one we're about to have.
Some reactions from my end:
- The decision to offer, or not offer, consent is strictly voluntary -- assuming you have the right to vote. Voter turnout may be a reflection of which group wishes to offer consent or not. Studies of voter turnout suggest that people are more likely to turnout to vote when they do not consent to existing policy rather if they do consent. Intensity matters.
- The system of separated powers -- with its various term lengths and means of gaining office -- allows the public different degrees of consent depending on the office. We can only offer consent on a regular basis to what the House of Representatives does. While voters might be motivated to oppose policies proposed by Obama, that opposition cannot -- purposely -- be directed at him because his term of office allows him to skip this election out. The framers of the Constitution wanted the president to have a longer time frame to accomplish objectives before being held out for evaluation. In addition, the public has a limited opportunity (one-third at a time) to offer consent to what the Senate does.
- We might want to discuss why the people have no opportunity to offer consent to the actions of the national judiciary. Lifetime tenure was meant to provide judges and justices strength and independence. The people seemingly have no role to play in their decisions. This isn't entirely true since the courts respond to cases brought to them by the public, and the public can always exercise consent or opposition to the actions of the judiciary through the legislative and, to a lesser degree, executive branches. While the courts interpret the law, the law is subject to modification.
To Be Continued ....
Some reactions from my end:
- The decision to offer, or not offer, consent is strictly voluntary -- assuming you have the right to vote. Voter turnout may be a reflection of which group wishes to offer consent or not. Studies of voter turnout suggest that people are more likely to turnout to vote when they do not consent to existing policy rather if they do consent. Intensity matters.
- The system of separated powers -- with its various term lengths and means of gaining office -- allows the public different degrees of consent depending on the office. We can only offer consent on a regular basis to what the House of Representatives does. While voters might be motivated to oppose policies proposed by Obama, that opposition cannot -- purposely -- be directed at him because his term of office allows him to skip this election out. The framers of the Constitution wanted the president to have a longer time frame to accomplish objectives before being held out for evaluation. In addition, the public has a limited opportunity (one-third at a time) to offer consent to what the Senate does.
- We might want to discuss why the people have no opportunity to offer consent to the actions of the national judiciary. Lifetime tenure was meant to provide judges and justices strength and independence. The people seemingly have no role to play in their decisions. This isn't entirely true since the courts respond to cases brought to them by the public, and the public can always exercise consent or opposition to the actions of the judiciary through the legislative and, to a lesser degree, executive branches. While the courts interpret the law, the law is subject to modification.
To Be Continued ....
Liberals Unhappy With Obama
Democrats are also dealing with disaffected ideologues within their ranks. Obama has been too centrist for their taste. (These two links require subscriptions -- check in the ACC library for them.)
Tea Party Candidates Beat Republican Establishment in Primaries
Democrats think this makes their candidates more competitive in November. They hope to paint these candidates as extreme. No telling if this strategy works until the elections happen.
How Reliable are Confessions?
How can innocent defendants be persuaded to not only confess to crimes they didn't commit, but do so convincingly?
Media Informant
A peculiar revelation about a civil rights photographer: He was an FBI informant while doing his work.
Sunday, September 12, 2010
Constitutional Reforms Proposed in Turkey
From the NYT:
Turkish voters approved a sweeping package of constitutional reforms by a wide margin on Sunday, handing a major victory to the Islamist-rooted government and marking another concrete step in an inexorable shift in power away from the secular Westernized elite that has governed modern Turkey for most of its history.
Appropriate subject matter as we begin discussing constitutions this week.
Turkish voters approved a sweeping package of constitutional reforms by a wide margin on Sunday, handing a major victory to the Islamist-rooted government and marking another concrete step in an inexorable shift in power away from the secular Westernized elite that has governed modern Turkey for most of its history.
Appropriate subject matter as we begin discussing constitutions this week.
Saturday, September 11, 2010
Forecasts for 2010
From smart guy Nate Silver:
- Republicans have a 67% chance of taking the House.
- Republicans have a 25% chance of taking the Senate.
- Republicans are likely to win 30 Governors races.
- Republicans have a 67% chance of taking the House.
- Republicans have a 25% chance of taking the Senate.
- Republicans are likely to win 30 Governors races.
Friday, September 10, 2010
Two Analyses of the Media
1 - How the Koran burning story became a "story."
2 - How Twitter has helped people survive the Colorado wildfires.
2 - How Twitter has helped people survive the Colorado wildfires.
Is the Tea Party Movement Pulling the Republicans Party Too Far to the Right?
E .J. Dionne argues that they are.
We will have evidence soon enough, but it is commonly argued that highly motivated, ideologically driven party members, even if they are a minority, can pull either of the major political parties far enough to either ideological extreme that they become uncompetitive in the long run. It happened to Democrats in the 1960s, 70s and 80s and it could, possibly, be happening now to Republicans.
One culprit may be the primary election process which -- through the miracle of low voter turnout -- allows a small, focused group of people to select a party's candidates and issues. These candidates and issues might be competitive for an election cycle or two, but overtime they might turn the party off to the moderate middle (the one's who tend not to get worked up over politics and are often likely to vote only in presidential elections).
That's the theory anyway. It looks like it might get tested in the next couple of years. Of course this only matters if the aggregate opinions of the general public are fixed. If public opinion moves to the right, this doesn't matter. But considering how volatile the electorate has been over the past few years, it is not unreasonable to suspect that a motivated and highly conservative voting bloc might control Congress after this election, but will set an agenda that will lead to a moderate to liberal counter mobilization in 2012. That's basically what happened after 1994. So will Obama 2012 be a replay of Clinton 1996? That's my prediction.
We will have evidence soon enough, but it is commonly argued that highly motivated, ideologically driven party members, even if they are a minority, can pull either of the major political parties far enough to either ideological extreme that they become uncompetitive in the long run. It happened to Democrats in the 1960s, 70s and 80s and it could, possibly, be happening now to Republicans.
One culprit may be the primary election process which -- through the miracle of low voter turnout -- allows a small, focused group of people to select a party's candidates and issues. These candidates and issues might be competitive for an election cycle or two, but overtime they might turn the party off to the moderate middle (the one's who tend not to get worked up over politics and are often likely to vote only in presidential elections).
That's the theory anyway. It looks like it might get tested in the next couple of years. Of course this only matters if the aggregate opinions of the general public are fixed. If public opinion moves to the right, this doesn't matter. But considering how volatile the electorate has been over the past few years, it is not unreasonable to suspect that a motivated and highly conservative voting bloc might control Congress after this election, but will set an agenda that will lead to a moderate to liberal counter mobilization in 2012. That's basically what happened after 1994. So will Obama 2012 be a replay of Clinton 1996? That's my prediction.
Lobbying Firms Prepare for Possible Switch in House Control
After hiring Democrats for the past four years, they are hiring Republicans.
Thursday, September 9, 2010
Redistricting Edge to Republicans
Republicans hope nationwide success in state races will allow the party to control the redistricting process after the 2010 census results roll in.
Lawsuits, Torture and States Secrets
Here's an illustration of several principles we'll cover in both 2301 and 2302: An appeals court has ruled that the need for secrecy outweighs the right of alleged torture victims to sue an executive agency. The lawsuit itself might reveal information the agency -- the Central Intelligence Agency -- would rather not have revealed.
Here's where it applies:
It's simple checks and balances, except that in this case the judiciary has not checked the executive, it has in fact enhanced its strength. In a sense, the judiciary has rubber stamped a further expansion of executive power.
It involves an interpretation -- loose certainly -- of executive power, and whether the executive has the right to keep its actions secret. There is nothing about secrecy written in the Constitution, but there had always been an assumption that secrecy -- like executive privilege -- is central to executive effectiveness. The "states secrets doctrine" was established for the executive by the Supreme Court in a court case: United States v. Reynolds. Again, this is an expansion of executive authority established by how the Supreme Court decided to interpret constitutional language. Executive authority can also be expanded by Congress, in this case the creation of the CIA, and the intelligence community in general after World War Two. Congress effectively authorized the creation of a permanent peacetime military.
It also involves the rights of individuals (civil liberties), in this case of course the denial of such rights. We can look at those rights in two ways. One has to do with 4th Amendment rights against unreasonable searches and seizures. Interrogation -- whether by torture or otherwise -- is an attempt to seize evidence. The 5th Amendment right against self-incrimination was specifically established to prevent torture or similar coercive means to obtain information. The other right has to do with access to the courts, the right to sue. This is a form of the right to petition for a redress of grievances. In this case the right to sue has been considered less important that the ability of government to preserve state secrets.
A final point regards judicial process. Since this was an appellate court decision, it is likely to be appealed to the Supreme Court. They will have the last word on whether this, and other similar lawsuits can go forward. If they cannot it may be the same as stating that the executive does in fact have, if not a right to torture, the ability to do so without a substantive backlash against it.
Here's where it applies:
It's simple checks and balances, except that in this case the judiciary has not checked the executive, it has in fact enhanced its strength. In a sense, the judiciary has rubber stamped a further expansion of executive power.
It involves an interpretation -- loose certainly -- of executive power, and whether the executive has the right to keep its actions secret. There is nothing about secrecy written in the Constitution, but there had always been an assumption that secrecy -- like executive privilege -- is central to executive effectiveness. The "states secrets doctrine" was established for the executive by the Supreme Court in a court case: United States v. Reynolds. Again, this is an expansion of executive authority established by how the Supreme Court decided to interpret constitutional language. Executive authority can also be expanded by Congress, in this case the creation of the CIA, and the intelligence community in general after World War Two. Congress effectively authorized the creation of a permanent peacetime military.
It also involves the rights of individuals (civil liberties), in this case of course the denial of such rights. We can look at those rights in two ways. One has to do with 4th Amendment rights against unreasonable searches and seizures. Interrogation -- whether by torture or otherwise -- is an attempt to seize evidence. The 5th Amendment right against self-incrimination was specifically established to prevent torture or similar coercive means to obtain information. The other right has to do with access to the courts, the right to sue. This is a form of the right to petition for a redress of grievances. In this case the right to sue has been considered less important that the ability of government to preserve state secrets.
A final point regards judicial process. Since this was an appellate court decision, it is likely to be appealed to the Supreme Court. They will have the last word on whether this, and other similar lawsuits can go forward. If they cannot it may be the same as stating that the executive does in fact have, if not a right to torture, the ability to do so without a substantive backlash against it.
Wednesday, September 8, 2010
The Financial Stability Oversight Council
The Washington Post outlines a new regulatory agency created by recent financial reform legislation to monitor "systemic risk."
- Here's a brief overview of the Dodd-Frank Act which created the agency.
- Here's a brief overview of the Dodd-Frank Act which created the agency.
If You Are Not Confused You Are Not Paying Attention
One week ago the Gallup Poll measured the largest lead it ever recorded in the general ballot question ("If you had to vote today for a generic Democrat or a generic Republican, who would you vote for?). Republicans had a ten point lead: 51% to 41%.
Now each party is tied at 46%. What gives? Are people really confused about which party they will support? Is it a reflection of Obama coming out of how shell and starting to campaign? Or is the poll simply in error?
- Analysis from the Washington Post.
Now each party is tied at 46%. What gives? Are people really confused about which party they will support? Is it a reflection of Obama coming out of how shell and starting to campaign? Or is the poll simply in error?
- Analysis from the Washington Post.
Tuesday, September 7, 2010
Recession or Depression
John Judis helps sort out the difference between the two. Depressions have these three characteristics, and yes he suggests we are undergoing a depression:
The current downturn resembles the great depressions rather than the post-World War II recessions in three significant ways:
1) The Financial Crisis: The downturns of 1893, 1929, and 2007-8 were precipitated, and deepened, by a financial crisis. In 1893, gold outflows resulting from a downturn in Europe (in the 1890s, London was the center of world finance) caused deflation and a spate of bank runs. In 1929, it was the stock market crash, and in 2007-8, the subprime mortgage crisis.
2) Overcapacity in a Leading Industry: After the Civil War, railway construction had driven the development of capital goods industries. In the years before 1893, it started to slack off, leading to a slowdown in private investment. Before 1929, the production of automobiles and streetcars tapered off, and before 2007, the growth of computer/telecommunications/Internet industries began to slow, along with construction, housing, and auto sales.
3) The Global Dimension: During recessions, a downturn in one country has been eased by prosperity in another, but in depressions, the downturns have been global. During the early 1890s, the downturn spread from Europe to the United States; in the 1930s and late 2000s, it spread from the United States to Europe and Asia.
He doesn't seem hopeful that we have the political will to effectively confront it.
- Neither does Paul Krugman.
- Thomas Friedman speculates on what the economic downturn means for our global clout.
The current downturn resembles the great depressions rather than the post-World War II recessions in three significant ways:
1) The Financial Crisis: The downturns of 1893, 1929, and 2007-8 were precipitated, and deepened, by a financial crisis. In 1893, gold outflows resulting from a downturn in Europe (in the 1890s, London was the center of world finance) caused deflation and a spate of bank runs. In 1929, it was the stock market crash, and in 2007-8, the subprime mortgage crisis.
2) Overcapacity in a Leading Industry: After the Civil War, railway construction had driven the development of capital goods industries. In the years before 1893, it started to slack off, leading to a slowdown in private investment. Before 1929, the production of automobiles and streetcars tapered off, and before 2007, the growth of computer/telecommunications/Internet industries began to slow, along with construction, housing, and auto sales.
3) The Global Dimension: During recessions, a downturn in one country has been eased by prosperity in another, but in depressions, the downturns have been global. During the early 1890s, the downturn spread from Europe to the United States; in the 1930s and late 2000s, it spread from the United States to Europe and Asia.
He doesn't seem hopeful that we have the political will to effectively confront it.
- Neither does Paul Krugman.
- Thomas Friedman speculates on what the economic downturn means for our global clout.
Republicans Promote the Green Party
The following supports a point we will hit later this semester in 2301, minor parties draw votes from majors parties and make them less competitive. The Libertarian Party tends to hurt the Republican Party while the Greens hurt Democrats. With that in mind, the effort of the Republican Party to place Green Party candidates on the ballot in Arizona and Texas makes perfect sense.
It was great electoral news for the Republican Party that Tea Party supporters were less a real party than a faction of the Republican Party. Now the question becomes, if Tea Party candidates win as Republicans, what does this do the party's famous ability to cohere as a tight unit?
It was great electoral news for the Republican Party that Tea Party supporters were less a real party than a faction of the Republican Party. Now the question becomes, if Tea Party candidates win as Republicans, what does this do the party's famous ability to cohere as a tight unit?
Monday, September 6, 2010
Religious Tolerance Then and Now
Here's a link to a story that points to controversy in 1879 regarding the construction of a Catholic Church in an unfavorable location.
Is the current controversy regarding Islam simply the latest in a series of similar controversies going back centuries?
- Anti-Catholicism in the United States.
- Anti-Semitism in the United States.
- Guy Fawkes.
- Anti-Mormonism.
- Anti- Jehovah's Witnesses.
Is the current controversy regarding Islam simply the latest in a series of similar controversies going back centuries?
- Anti-Catholicism in the United States.
- Anti-Semitism in the United States.
- Guy Fawkes.
- Anti-Mormonism.
- Anti- Jehovah's Witnesses.
A Meritocracy or an Oligarchy?
Here's text copied from Daily Dish that raises questions about what factors really provide opportunities for success. In case you dont; knwo what (Philips) Andover Academy is, here's a link, as well as a link to a list of their alumni.
I teach at an Ivy, so I could go on at length about the privileges my undergraduates receive. Even in this most recent class, I still had a fair number of students who started at 100k+, flights to the Hamptons, etc... However, what I really wanted to discuss is the effect of elite high schools, which I think is far greater than that of the Ivies. My wife attended Andover, did well, etc... but chose to attend a large public university in the South (read academic burnout here).
After college, from which she barely graduated, she delivered flowers for a living. In short, nothing doing financially or in life. However, a move to NYC (as I was on an academic odyssey) led to an immediate job in finance at a major company. Mind you, this is a person with a degree in communications, who had not taken math since high school. As part of this job, she had a full six months paid to acquire a variety of licences and skills. The interviews for this position extended over a week and nearly every interviewer inquired not about college but Andover.
This pattern has repeated itself as she has changed jobs. Andover is always discussed. If an interviewer went to Exeter or St. Pauls, that must be mentioned. Her college has never been discussed. Even positions which require minimum GPA's, which she could never meet, are waived. She actually leaves this block blank often on applications, and it is never asked about. Currently, she is a manager at top hedge fund without ever having a degree in finance or an MBA.
I think what is missing in this debate is perspective on numbers. The best high schools are very small affairs. The Ivies actually graduate a far greater number of kids. Boarding schools build life long bonds as well that are much stronger due to their size. They take care of their own in ways that Harvard cannot imagine.
Makes you want to work harder huh?
I teach at an Ivy, so I could go on at length about the privileges my undergraduates receive. Even in this most recent class, I still had a fair number of students who started at 100k+, flights to the Hamptons, etc... However, what I really wanted to discuss is the effect of elite high schools, which I think is far greater than that of the Ivies. My wife attended Andover, did well, etc... but chose to attend a large public university in the South (read academic burnout here).
After college, from which she barely graduated, she delivered flowers for a living. In short, nothing doing financially or in life. However, a move to NYC (as I was on an academic odyssey) led to an immediate job in finance at a major company. Mind you, this is a person with a degree in communications, who had not taken math since high school. As part of this job, she had a full six months paid to acquire a variety of licences and skills. The interviews for this position extended over a week and nearly every interviewer inquired not about college but Andover.
This pattern has repeated itself as she has changed jobs. Andover is always discussed. If an interviewer went to Exeter or St. Pauls, that must be mentioned. Her college has never been discussed. Even positions which require minimum GPA's, which she could never meet, are waived. She actually leaves this block blank often on applications, and it is never asked about. Currently, she is a manager at top hedge fund without ever having a degree in finance or an MBA.
I think what is missing in this debate is perspective on numbers. The best high schools are very small affairs. The Ivies actually graduate a far greater number of kids. Boarding schools build life long bonds as well that are much stronger due to their size. They take care of their own in ways that Harvard cannot imagine.
Makes you want to work harder huh?
Sunday, September 5, 2010
Saturday, September 4, 2010
GPS and the Right to Privacy
From Time Magazine:
Government agents can sneak onto your property in the middle of the night, put a GPS device on the bottom of your car and keep track of everywhere you go. This doesn't violate your Fourth Amendment rights, because you do not have any reasonable expectation of privacy in your own driveway — and no reasonable expectation that the government isn't tracking your movements.
That is the bizarre — and scary — rule that now applies in California and eight other Western states. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, which covers this vast jurisdiction, recently decided the government can monitor you in this way virtually anytime it wants — with no need for a search warrant.
This fits both 2301 and 2302. What is the extent of privacy and our security against unreasonable searches and seizures? What make a search unreasonable anyway? And how might the current Supreme Court decide these questions? This also makes clear the degree to which our understanding of the Constitution is impacted by improvements in technology.
Government agents can sneak onto your property in the middle of the night, put a GPS device on the bottom of your car and keep track of everywhere you go. This doesn't violate your Fourth Amendment rights, because you do not have any reasonable expectation of privacy in your own driveway — and no reasonable expectation that the government isn't tracking your movements.
That is the bizarre — and scary — rule that now applies in California and eight other Western states. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, which covers this vast jurisdiction, recently decided the government can monitor you in this way virtually anytime it wants — with no need for a search warrant.
This fits both 2301 and 2302. What is the extent of privacy and our security against unreasonable searches and seizures? What make a search unreasonable anyway? And how might the current Supreme Court decide these questions? This also makes clear the degree to which our understanding of the Constitution is impacted by improvements in technology.
Friday, September 3, 2010
The Lobbying Activities of Mariner Energy and Apache Corp.
The Center for Responsive Politics details the political activities of Mariner Energy and Apache Corp. One of Mariner's oil platforms exploded recently and they are about to merge with Apache.
Sobriety Checkpoints Return
Just in time for the holiday weekend, Montgomery County will bring back sobriety checkpoints in order to combat drunk driving.
The checkpoints, which allowed police to stop random motorists and check to see if they were drunk without any actual evidence that they were in fact drunk (like driving erratically), were used quite often in the 1980s, but were challenged in the courts. They were argued to be illegal searches, in violation of the 4th Amendment.
The U.S. Supreme Court disagreed in 1990 (Michigan v. Sitz), the greater interest provided by discouraging drunk driving outweighed the individual right to be free from unreasonable searches, but many state argued that these searches violated their constitutions, including the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals. Montgomery County officials claim that their's is not an unconstitutional program because they will only test drivers who commit traffic violations ( I have no idea if that will in fact prove constitutional if challenged -- is commiting a traffic violation probably cause that one is drunk?).
It will be a no refusal program, meaning that you can be punished for refusing to submit to a sobriety test.
For background:
- Opinion.
- Anatomy of a DWI "no refusal weekend."
- Austin DWI Attorney.
- Texas Senate Bill 298. (news item on the bill)
- State Sobriety Checkpoint Laws.
- Checkpoints on Twitter.
This applies to both 2301 and 2302. It involves how the constitution helps define the relationship between government and the individual, but it does so in a very problematic area, one where we might in fact want some governmental intervention. No one wants to share the road with drunk drivers. Its a perfect illustration of the balancing act the courts have to engage in when they consider the relative merits of individual liberty and the greater interests of society.
2302s might want to pay attention to the legislation linked to above -- which would have allowed expanded use of checkpoints has it not died in committee. You might also want to take a look at the Supreme Court case above.
PS: Can we really tell who is drunk?
The checkpoints, which allowed police to stop random motorists and check to see if they were drunk without any actual evidence that they were in fact drunk (like driving erratically), were used quite often in the 1980s, but were challenged in the courts. They were argued to be illegal searches, in violation of the 4th Amendment.
The U.S. Supreme Court disagreed in 1990 (Michigan v. Sitz), the greater interest provided by discouraging drunk driving outweighed the individual right to be free from unreasonable searches, but many state argued that these searches violated their constitutions, including the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals. Montgomery County officials claim that their's is not an unconstitutional program because they will only test drivers who commit traffic violations ( I have no idea if that will in fact prove constitutional if challenged -- is commiting a traffic violation probably cause that one is drunk?).
It will be a no refusal program, meaning that you can be punished for refusing to submit to a sobriety test.
For background:
- Opinion.
- Anatomy of a DWI "no refusal weekend."
- Austin DWI Attorney.
- Texas Senate Bill 298. (news item on the bill)
- State Sobriety Checkpoint Laws.
- Checkpoints on Twitter.
This applies to both 2301 and 2302. It involves how the constitution helps define the relationship between government and the individual, but it does so in a very problematic area, one where we might in fact want some governmental intervention. No one wants to share the road with drunk drivers. Its a perfect illustration of the balancing act the courts have to engage in when they consider the relative merits of individual liberty and the greater interests of society.
2302s might want to pay attention to the legislation linked to above -- which would have allowed expanded use of checkpoints has it not died in committee. You might also want to take a look at the Supreme Court case above.
PS: Can we really tell who is drunk?
Meritocracy
I made an error this week by not discussing meritocracy with my 2301s. Its a cousin of oligarchy. Rule by an elite established by merit, not class. We often credit the U.S. with being a meritocracy, and claim that to be one of our principle virtues, but critics often wonder whether we are truly meritocratic, do family connections matter more than we let on? And is a meritocracy perhaps more viciously inegalitarian than class based oligarchies?
Some items to peruse:
- Flaws in the Meritocracy.
- The Meritocracy Party.
- Wikipedia: Meritocracy.
- The Meritocracy Myth.
- Opinion: It's Time to Bring Back the Estate Tax.
Some items to peruse:
- Flaws in the Meritocracy.
- The Meritocracy Party.
- Wikipedia: Meritocracy.
- The Meritocracy Myth.
- Opinion: It's Time to Bring Back the Estate Tax.
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Coercion vs Consent
A good read for my 2301 as we wrestle with debates over how governments originate.
Conservatives v Libertarians
For 2301s discussion of ideology, here are a couple of critiques a noted libertarian -- Brink Lindsey -- wrote regarding the current state of conservatism.
- Where do Libertarians Belong?
- Another Culture War? No Thanks.
Lindsey does not believe the Tea Party movement actually wants to reduce the size of government -- at least where it matters most: Middle Class Entitlement like Social Security and Medicare. Like the story on the Koch brothers below, his analysis offers a summary of recent political history.
Lindsey and was recently "purged" from the Cato Institute for, the rumor has it, aligning more with liberals than conservatives.
- Where do Libertarians Belong?
- Another Culture War? No Thanks.
Lindsey does not believe the Tea Party movement actually wants to reduce the size of government -- at least where it matters most: Middle Class Entitlement like Social Security and Medicare. Like the story on the Koch brothers below, his analysis offers a summary of recent political history.
Lindsey and was recently "purged" from the Cato Institute for, the rumor has it, aligning more with liberals than conservatives.
Stories for 8/31/10
A few relevant items today:
- A Washington Post story illustrating the difficulty party's have enforcing unity among their members: A freshman Republican goes against the leadership on Afghanistan.
- The National Beer Wholesalers Association works the Hill.
- Wall Street turns on Obama.
- Does Language Shape How You Think? Politicians have known that words matter for quite some time. An entire industry has emerged around determining which words lead people to think a particular way. Can an entire language do the same?
- Glenn Beck follows his rally with a launch of a new web site.
- The electoral landscape looks better and better for Republicans.
- A Washington Post story illustrating the difficulty party's have enforcing unity among their members: A freshman Republican goes against the leadership on Afghanistan.
- The National Beer Wholesalers Association works the Hill.
- Wall Street turns on Obama.
- Does Language Shape How You Think? Politicians have known that words matter for quite some time. An entire industry has emerged around determining which words lead people to think a particular way. Can an entire language do the same?
- Glenn Beck follows his rally with a launch of a new web site.
- The electoral landscape looks better and better for Republicans.
Sunday, August 29, 2010
Harris County Judicial Elections
A Rick Casey piece in the Chronicle gives us a peek at how county judicial elections are run.
Investigations to Come?
Politico reports that Republicans plan to launch a variety of investigations of the Obama Administration if they take control of the House and/or Senate after this election. Could an impeachment proceeding be in the works?
My two cents? Don't forget that President Clinton's highest approval ratings were measured the day he was impeached. If the investigations are seem as being entirely partisan by independents, Republicans could easily help Obama regain the popularity he's lost in the past year. The public is very very fickle.
My two cents? Don't forget that President Clinton's highest approval ratings were measured the day he was impeached. If the investigations are seem as being entirely partisan by independents, Republicans could easily help Obama regain the popularity he's lost in the past year. The public is very very fickle.
Saturday, August 28, 2010
The Economy is Great
For corporations anyway. Corporate profits are back to where they were before the recession. Again, the question is why this hasn't translated into jobs and whether there is a policy government can pursue that can address that.
Here is one theory: The most obvious explanation is that the relationship between labor and capital (to borrow Marxist vocabulary) has changed. Capital has gotten stronger; labor has weakened. Economist Robert J. Gordon of Northwestern University argues that the "shift of executive compensation towards much greater use of stock options" has made corporate managers more zealous cost-cutters in recessions and more reluctant hirers early in recoveries. Lowering the head count is the quickest way to restore profits and, from there, a company's stock price.
Another, offered below, is that people are not buying anything sat the moment other than what they immediately need. They are paying down debt and saving. Companies know this and see no need to hire new workers. So there are no new jobs for people to apply for.
So here's a question for 2301s. What does this tell us about the role of government at this moment? Do we just hunker down and take lumps until personal debt levels are low enough that people start spending again? What do we do about people who can find no employment? Let them waste away? Is there a moral element here that requires intervention or not?
Here is one theory: The most obvious explanation is that the relationship between labor and capital (to borrow Marxist vocabulary) has changed. Capital has gotten stronger; labor has weakened. Economist Robert J. Gordon of Northwestern University argues that the "shift of executive compensation towards much greater use of stock options" has made corporate managers more zealous cost-cutters in recessions and more reluctant hirers early in recoveries. Lowering the head count is the quickest way to restore profits and, from there, a company's stock price.
Another, offered below, is that people are not buying anything sat the moment other than what they immediately need. They are paying down debt and saving. Companies know this and see no need to hire new workers. So there are no new jobs for people to apply for.
So here's a question for 2301s. What does this tell us about the role of government at this moment? Do we just hunker down and take lumps until personal debt levels are low enough that people start spending again? What do we do about people who can find no employment? Let them waste away? Is there a moral element here that requires intervention or not?
Friday, August 27, 2010
Personal Debt, Credit, and the State of the Economy
A couple of New Republic articles try to get to the heart of the economy, why we are here we are, and what it takes to get out of it: It was a bubble driven recession, not a typical business cycle recession, and that makes everything worse. Household debt has almost tripled between the late 1990s and 2007. Now people are paying off that debt, which limits current spending and places a limit to any current expansion. Ironically, now that people are doing the right thing (pay off debt, not add to it) the economy continues to suffer.
- William Galston.
- Raghuram Rajan.
- William Galston.
- Raghuram Rajan.
The Koch Brothers
This is a terrific insider look at the forces that shape politics.
And a related story about a backlash against the brothers.
And a related story about a backlash against the brothers.
The Fed Considers New Action on the Economy
Estimates of the economy's performance in the 2nd quarter of this year have been revised downward and the Federal Reserve is considering whether and how to respond. Given past activities, their tool box is running low.
2302 students should read up on the Federal Reserve -- our central bank, sort of -- which is part of the bureaucratic component of the federal executive branch. It was created in the early years of the 1900s -- interestingly -- due to a financial crisis, and is in charge of the country's monetary policy. One of their functions is to pump money into the economy during recessions and pull it out when inflation threatens. The trick is figuring out when and how to do this. That is part of the debate going on within the fed at the moment.
2301 students might want to consider disputes concerning the propriety of the very existence of the Fed, as well as the institution's insulation from the general population. As we will see, the founders differed on the strength of the attachment that ought to exist between the workings of governing institutions and the immediate preferences of the public. The Fed is very insulated. We should discuss in class whether this is a good idea.
Some links:
- The Fed is currently meeting Jackson Hole, Wyoming (sweet) at a conference organized by the Kansas City Branch.
- Fed Chair Bernacke weighs possible options, most probably purchasing securities, which is an effective way to pump money into the economy.
- Bernacke's best tool may be persuasion.
- Federal Reserve tags from the Washington Post.
- Wikipedia: Federal Reserve System.
- Times Topics: Federal Reserve System.
Thursday, August 26, 2010
For GOVT 2302: News Sources
For 2302 classes, you'll note that I tend to pull information about the legislative, executive and judicial branches from three principle sources:
- Congressional Quarterly, for information about Congress.
- Ezra Klein's WonkBook, for information about the executive branch and public policy debates.
- ScotusBlog, for information about the Federal Courts, including the Supreme Court.
There are others also, you'll see them on the right hand side of this blog under news review, but these have become my go to sources for info on national governmental issues.
For Texas expect to see info from the following sources:
- Quorum Report -- click on Daily Buzz.
- The Houston and Texas Section in the Houston Chronicle.
- Congressional Quarterly, for information about Congress.
- Ezra Klein's WonkBook, for information about the executive branch and public policy debates.
- ScotusBlog, for information about the Federal Courts, including the Supreme Court.
There are others also, you'll see them on the right hand side of this blog under news review, but these have become my go to sources for info on national governmental issues.
For Texas expect to see info from the following sources:
- Quorum Report -- click on Daily Buzz.
- The Houston and Texas Section in the Houston Chronicle.
Wednesday, August 25, 2010
Welcome Fall 2010 Students
Tomorrow -- Thursday August 26th -- the fall 2010 semester officially begins and I'll resume posting information to this site. Given the upcoming midterm elections, we should have plenty to discuss. Here are a couple of items that ought to be pertinent to you, some of you anyway.
- The Beloit College Mindset List.
- The Pew Research Center: The Millenials: Confident, Connected, Open to Change.
You are a trippy group of kids you know that?
In 2301 we will cover, late in the semester, the concept of a political generation. This refers to the group of people raised around the same time who share the same attitudes because they were exposed to the same experiences at the same time in their lives -- more or less. You are now being pegged. Now just in case you're looking and around and wondering about who these old people are all around you, here's what we know about the generation that already thinks you're too old.
- The Beloit College Mindset List.
- The Pew Research Center: The Millenials: Confident, Connected, Open to Change.
You are a trippy group of kids you know that?
In 2301 we will cover, late in the semester, the concept of a political generation. This refers to the group of people raised around the same time who share the same attitudes because they were exposed to the same experiences at the same time in their lives -- more or less. You are now being pegged. Now just in case you're looking and around and wondering about who these old people are all around you, here's what we know about the generation that already thinks you're too old.
Monday, August 16, 2010
Money in Judicial Elections
The Brennan Center has released a report on the recent increase in interest group spending on judicial elections. Sandra Day O'Connor has been critical of state judicial elections. Here's a link to her project focusing on them.
Thursday, August 12, 2010
Economic Transformation.
This builds off the previous post. Richard Florida wonders if the root of our economic troubles is the chaos that naturally occurs when an economic system is undergoing transformation. We are still in the process of changing from a manufacturing to an information based economy. Florida argues that existing policies have to be reexamined in order to allow for the population to fit into this new order, much as they were when we became an suburban, highway driving economy following the Great Depression. Part of the problem is homeownership. Owning a home ties one to a particular place and makes mobility difficult. We have to adjust expectations and policies accordingly, meaning we should stop encouraging people to buy homes, among other things.
Should Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac Die?
An ex-president of the Federal Reserve says yes.
- Wikipedia: Fannie Mae.
- Wikipedia: Freddie Mac.
- Wikipedia: Government Sponsored Enterprise.
- Wikipedia: Fannie Mae.
- Wikipedia: Freddie Mac.
- Wikipedia: Government Sponsored Enterprise.
About Birthright Citizenship
There's controversy concerning whether the opening language of the 14th Amendment actually establishes birthright citizenship. Here's the text:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
The highlighted text appears to be the tricky part. Are illegal immigrants truly subject to the jurisdiction of the United States? Can they vote and are they subject to a draft, if one were established? The courts have never ruled on this issue -- it took a court ruling to determine that the children of legal immigrants were citizens -- so we simply don't know.
- CRS Report: U.S. Citizenship of Persons Born in the United States to Alien Parents.
- Christian Science Monitor: Is Birthright Citizenship Really in the Constitution?
- Wikipedia: Birthright Citizenship in the United States.
- Wikipedia: Jus Soli.
- Wikipedia: Jus Sanguinis.
-
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
The highlighted text appears to be the tricky part. Are illegal immigrants truly subject to the jurisdiction of the United States? Can they vote and are they subject to a draft, if one were established? The courts have never ruled on this issue -- it took a court ruling to determine that the children of legal immigrants were citizens -- so we simply don't know.
- CRS Report: U.S. Citizenship of Persons Born in the United States to Alien Parents.
- Christian Science Monitor: Is Birthright Citizenship Really in the Constitution?
- Wikipedia: Birthright Citizenship in the United States.
- Wikipedia: Jus Soli.
- Wikipedia: Jus Sanguinis.
-
Tuesday, August 10, 2010
Proposed Constitutional Amendments
In response to the flurry of suggestions that the birthright citizenship provision of the 14th Amendment ought to be removed, Jonathan Chait lists other Constitutional Amendments "endorsed by mainstrean Republicans."
The Free Flow of Information Act, Media Shield Laws and Wikileaks
Wikileaks, and its ongoing drive to release as much information as possible to the public, has led members of the Senate to modify a bill introduced last year: H.R. 985: The Free Flow of Information Act. The law would be the first federal media shield law, which would provide protection for journalists who wish to keep their sources confidential. Under the law:
... federal judges could quash subpoenas demanding testimony or information from reporters if the judges determined that the public interest in news gathering outweighed the need to uncover the source of a leak, including, in some circumstances, unauthorized disclosure of classified government information.
Protection under the so-called shield law would also be extended to unpaid bloggers engaged in gathering and disseminating news.
Perhaps not for wikileaks however.
For 2301: Think about not only freedom of the press, but how the courts balance civil liberties against the greater interest of society
For 2302: This is an example of the bill making process, and also the ability of Congress to design the judiciary.
... federal judges could quash subpoenas demanding testimony or information from reporters if the judges determined that the public interest in news gathering outweighed the need to uncover the source of a leak, including, in some circumstances, unauthorized disclosure of classified government information.
Protection under the so-called shield law would also be extended to unpaid bloggers engaged in gathering and disseminating news.
Perhaps not for wikileaks however.
For 2301: Think about not only freedom of the press, but how the courts balance civil liberties against the greater interest of society
For 2302: This is an example of the bill making process, and also the ability of Congress to design the judiciary.
Sunday, August 8, 2010
Scientific Journalism
This will be one in a series of posts on the issues associated with Wikileaks -- which I've posted on before -- and its ongoing efforts to make previously secret information available online. This included the recent release of documents related to the ongoing war in Afghanistan.
In an article in the New Yorker, Wikileak's founder (Julian Assange) states the following: “I want to set up a new standard: ‘scientific journalism.’ If you publish a paper on DNA, you are required, by all the good biological journals, to submit the data that has informed your research—the idea being that people will replicate it, check it, verify it. So this is something that needs to be done for journalism as well. There is an immediate power imbalance, in that readers are unable to verify what they are being told, and that leads to abuse.” Because Assange publishes his source material, he believes that WikiLeaks is free to offer its analysis, no matter how speculative.
This fits into 2301s discussion of the media. The web has transformed journalism and raised questions about who in fact qualifies as a journalist. The job involves collecting and processing information. It seems that Wikileaks is trying to make the former easier and opening up the latter to all comers.
- Wikipedia: Wikileaks.
- NY Topics: Wikileaks.
In an article in the New Yorker, Wikileak's founder (Julian Assange) states the following: “I want to set up a new standard: ‘scientific journalism.’ If you publish a paper on DNA, you are required, by all the good biological journals, to submit the data that has informed your research—the idea being that people will replicate it, check it, verify it. So this is something that needs to be done for journalism as well. There is an immediate power imbalance, in that readers are unable to verify what they are being told, and that leads to abuse.” Because Assange publishes his source material, he believes that WikiLeaks is free to offer its analysis, no matter how speculative.
This fits into 2301s discussion of the media. The web has transformed journalism and raised questions about who in fact qualifies as a journalist. The job involves collecting and processing information. It seems that Wikileaks is trying to make the former easier and opening up the latter to all comers.
- Wikipedia: Wikileaks.
- NY Topics: Wikileaks.
Saturday, August 7, 2010
Jonathan Rauch on Democracy, Free Speech, Government etc...
He does a much better job with this than I do. The key to well functioning societies? Trial and error.
Friday, August 6, 2010
The New Normal
These may be two most depressing articles a college student -- or an unemployed person -- could read. Is the current unemployment rate -- 9.5% -- the new normal? Some economic indicators are actually pretty good. Can our economy exist comfortably with high unemployment? Can our society? Can you? Will public opinion eventually adapt itself to this new normal?
- Krugman.
- Peck.
- Krugman.
- Peck.
Christina Romer -- Head of the Council of Economic Advisors -- to Step Down.
The Huffington Post claims her resignation is due to conflicts with official within the Obama White House Staff (The CEA is part of the Executive Office of the President): Romer's resignation came amid a report that she had been frustrated that she didn't have as much access to the president as Larry Summers, director of the White House National Economic Council.The story mentions a New Yorker article which also highlighted conflicts between Romer and Summers:
Romer had run simulations of the effects of stimulus packages of varying sizes: six hundred billion dollars, eight hundred billion dollars, and $1.2 trillion. The best estimate for the output gap was some two trillion dollars over 2009 and 2010. Because of the multiplier effect, filling that gap didn't require two trillion dollars of government spending, but Romer's analysis, deeply informed by her work on the Depression, suggested that the package should probably be more than $1.2 trillion. The memo to Obama, however, detailed only two packages: a five-hundred-and-fifty-billion-dollar stimulus and an eight-hundred-and-ninety-billion-dollar stimulus. Summers did not include Romer's $1.2-trillion projection. The memo argued that the stimulus should not be used to fill the entire output gap; rather, it was "an insurance package against catastrophic failure." At the meeting, according to one participant, "there was no serious discussion to going above a trillion dollars."
Given the increased possibility of a double dip recession, perhaps the decision to not go over a trillion dollars, almost certainly a political decision, was unwise. Previous posts have highlighted the conflict in the Obama White House between the political team and the economic team over how best to deal with the recession.
8/7/10: Update
Here's some background on her resignation and how the story broke. The author tells us it had been known for weeks, but the story broke before the White House could annouce it and has beem trying to contain how the resignation has been framed. The author points to the comments specifically:
Check the comment section on Hotline On Call, and you'll get a sense of how challenging it is for the White House to contain a story once it breaks. Larry Summers is the bad guy; HE should have been forced out; HE hates women; he's muscling women who have good advice out of the way; why is the president so reliant on him and Tim Geithner, anyway?
A sample:
"Summers was the worst pick ever, along with that weasel Geithner and Rahm "Karl Rove" Emanuel. At least Romer was a progressive voice to counter the the Harvard/Chicago axis that represents Goldman Sachs, Wall St and the kind of unfettered, unregulated, "free"-market larceny that has been eroding this country's economic vitality for 30 years, while making the rich much richer still. Summers and company are the same ding-dongs and charlatans posing as economic gurus who have enabled the on-going plunder of America
"The person writing this could be a world-renown policy expert or someone with great insight into the motivations of the White House economic team. Or, he or she could be a crank. One would not know from reading the commentators' post that Summers is among the most forceful advocates for more spending...that Summers and Romer were among those who pushed the Senate and the House to consider a state bailout bill that, two weeks ago, had no chance at passing.
Suddently this story has shifted from one about economic policymaking to media relations in the age of the internet. Which raises a question: Has the increase in available information actually increased public ignorance of government, politics and public policy due to the increase in the noise that purports to be informative?
Romer had run simulations of the effects of stimulus packages of varying sizes: six hundred billion dollars, eight hundred billion dollars, and $1.2 trillion. The best estimate for the output gap was some two trillion dollars over 2009 and 2010. Because of the multiplier effect, filling that gap didn't require two trillion dollars of government spending, but Romer's analysis, deeply informed by her work on the Depression, suggested that the package should probably be more than $1.2 trillion. The memo to Obama, however, detailed only two packages: a five-hundred-and-fifty-billion-dollar stimulus and an eight-hundred-and-ninety-billion-dollar stimulus. Summers did not include Romer's $1.2-trillion projection. The memo argued that the stimulus should not be used to fill the entire output gap; rather, it was "an insurance package against catastrophic failure." At the meeting, according to one participant, "there was no serious discussion to going above a trillion dollars."
Given the increased possibility of a double dip recession, perhaps the decision to not go over a trillion dollars, almost certainly a political decision, was unwise. Previous posts have highlighted the conflict in the Obama White House between the political team and the economic team over how best to deal with the recession.
8/7/10: Update
Here's some background on her resignation and how the story broke. The author tells us it had been known for weeks, but the story broke before the White House could annouce it and has beem trying to contain how the resignation has been framed. The author points to the comments specifically:
Check the comment section on Hotline On Call, and you'll get a sense of how challenging it is for the White House to contain a story once it breaks. Larry Summers is the bad guy; HE should have been forced out; HE hates women; he's muscling women who have good advice out of the way; why is the president so reliant on him and Tim Geithner, anyway?
A sample:
"Summers was the worst pick ever, along with that weasel Geithner and Rahm "Karl Rove" Emanuel. At least Romer was a progressive voice to counter the the Harvard/Chicago axis that represents Goldman Sachs, Wall St and the kind of unfettered, unregulated, "free"-market larceny that has been eroding this country's economic vitality for 30 years, while making the rich much richer still. Summers and company are the same ding-dongs and charlatans posing as economic gurus who have enabled the on-going plunder of America
"The person writing this could be a world-renown policy expert or someone with great insight into the motivations of the White House economic team. Or, he or she could be a crank. One would not know from reading the commentators' post that Summers is among the most forceful advocates for more spending...that Summers and Romer were among those who pushed the Senate and the House to consider a state bailout bill that, two weeks ago, had no chance at passing.
Suddently this story has shifted from one about economic policymaking to media relations in the age of the internet. Which raises a question: Has the increase in available information actually increased public ignorance of government, politics and public policy due to the increase in the noise that purports to be informative?
Thursday, August 5, 2010
California Gay Marriage Ban (Prop 8) Overtuned by Federal Judge
Both the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the 14th Amendment played a role in the decision. In our discussion of civil rights, we discuss the gradual increase in the application of each to the various distinctions that the law continues to make between groups of people. Discrimination by the majority has become tougher to justify under federal law.
Everyone expects this case to wind up in the Supreme Court. The only question is when.
- Story in the NYT.
- A digital copy of the ruling here.
- A complilation of comments from Andrew Sullivan.
- A summary of the relevant facts in the ruling.
This is the latest in several rulings against gay marriage laws, but there's a twist: Andrew Sullivan points out a comment from one of his readers that Republican appointed judges were responsible for all these recent rulings:
"The Prop 8 case now makes three consecutive judicial opinions holding that laws prohibiting same-sex marriages have no rational basis. Interestingly, all three were authored by judges who were nominated or appointed by Republicans. Today’s Northern District of California opinion was authored by Judge Vaughn Walker, who was nominated by Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush. Last month’s District of Massachusetts opinion was authored by Judge Joseph Tauro, who was nominated by Richard Nixon. The Iowa Supreme Court (unanimous) opinion was authored by Justice Mark Cady, who was appointed by Republican Governor Terry E. Branstad."
There are some who argued that this decision might help drive conservatives to the polls and punish Democrats for their party's support of same sex rights, but if Republican appointed judges are responsible for these rulings, what's the point in that? Can elections play any role in this process? Or have the courts decided that homosexuals are, following Fed #10, a minority to be protected from the tyranny of the majority? This removes these policies from the direct impact of the electoral process.
Everyone expects this case to wind up in the Supreme Court. The only question is when.
- Story in the NYT.
- A digital copy of the ruling here.
- A complilation of comments from Andrew Sullivan.
- A summary of the relevant facts in the ruling.
This is the latest in several rulings against gay marriage laws, but there's a twist: Andrew Sullivan points out a comment from one of his readers that Republican appointed judges were responsible for all these recent rulings:
"The Prop 8 case now makes three consecutive judicial opinions holding that laws prohibiting same-sex marriages have no rational basis. Interestingly, all three were authored by judges who were nominated or appointed by Republicans. Today’s Northern District of California opinion was authored by Judge Vaughn Walker, who was nominated by Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush. Last month’s District of Massachusetts opinion was authored by Judge Joseph Tauro, who was nominated by Richard Nixon. The Iowa Supreme Court (unanimous) opinion was authored by Justice Mark Cady, who was appointed by Republican Governor Terry E. Branstad."
There are some who argued that this decision might help drive conservatives to the polls and punish Democrats for their party's support of same sex rights, but if Republican appointed judges are responsible for these rulings, what's the point in that? Can elections play any role in this process? Or have the courts decided that homosexuals are, following Fed #10, a minority to be protected from the tyranny of the majority? This removes these policies from the direct impact of the electoral process.
Its Still the Economy Stupid
A story in today's NYT illustrates the point. Voters tend to be motivated by the economy (pocketbook voting) more than other factors, and vote against who ever is in power if the economy sours. What got Democrats voted into office in 2008, works against them in 2010. So, what happens if the economy is still bad in 2012?
This also complicates the idea that voters send messages about which policies (health care, education, climate change, gay marriage, etc...) with their votes. Perhaps its just about the economy, and everything else is secondary.
This also complicates the idea that voters send messages about which policies (health care, education, climate change, gay marriage, etc...) with their votes. Perhaps its just about the economy, and everything else is secondary.
Wednesday, August 4, 2010
Does the Public Always Gets What it Wants?
Some of you are diving into public opinion at the moment, and one of the simplistic points made in the lectures is that in a democracy, shifts in public opinion tend to drive public policy. But we are a republic, not a democracy, and certain institutions (including the Senate) are designed to allow a minority to halt the majority. That seems to be the case with climate change legislation:
Despite polling showing public support for climate and energy policies, the Senate is unable to pass even a vastly scaled-back bill that only addresses the Gulf of Mexico oil spill. And that's because a perfect storm of a sharply partisan Senate, ailing economy and the polarizing and complex issue of climate change has made it impossible to pass any type of energy and climate bill, no matter how much the public supports it.
"There has just not been the debate and consideration of energy legislation that would lead to a successful result," Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind., said. "Essentially, one group of senators believes that any energy bill had to have a cap-and-trade or a carbon pricing mechanism. That was the red line. Without that, it was not a valid bill."
The more than two dozen Democrats Lugar is referring to aren't alone in supporting a limit on carbon emissions. Almost two-thirds of Americans also support limiting greenhouse gas emissions, according to the latest Society for Human Resource Management/National Journal Congressional Connection Poll, conducted with the Pew Research Center.
Despite polling showing public support for climate and energy policies, the Senate is unable to pass even a vastly scaled-back bill that only addresses the Gulf of Mexico oil spill. And that's because a perfect storm of a sharply partisan Senate, ailing economy and the polarizing and complex issue of climate change has made it impossible to pass any type of energy and climate bill, no matter how much the public supports it.
"There has just not been the debate and consideration of energy legislation that would lead to a successful result," Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind., said. "Essentially, one group of senators believes that any energy bill had to have a cap-and-trade or a carbon pricing mechanism. That was the red line. Without that, it was not a valid bill."
The more than two dozen Democrats Lugar is referring to aren't alone in supporting a limit on carbon emissions. Almost two-thirds of Americans also support limiting greenhouse gas emissions, according to the latest Society for Human Resource Management/National Journal Congressional Connection Poll, conducted with the Pew Research Center.
People Like Pork
So says the National Journal:
Despite being fed a steady diet of political vitriol about the evils of earmarking, Americans are more likely to vote for a congressional candidate who brings home the bacon, according to the latest Society for Human Resource Management/National Journal Congressional Connection Poll, conducted with the Pew Research Center.
In addition, the public is nonplussed about partisan standard-bearers. More respondents by far said it makes no difference to their vote if a candidate is affiliated with President Obama, former Republican Gov. Sarah Palin of Alaska, or the tea party movement.
Funneling money back to the folks back home was the only factor that would indicate support for a congressional candidate.
This applies to both 2301 and 2302.
In 2301 we over elections and the factors which lead voters to choose one candidate or party over the other. While people like to talk about principles, we tend to be driven by pocketbook considerations. Who in fact is going to provide us with the material needs we need to live our lives?
It's a similar point in 2302 when we cover the legislature. We say we don't like earmarks, but we punish members of Congress who don't provide them for us. Member of Congress know this, and it helps explain why they seldom give serious thought to deficit cutting. Again, we like it when they say they want to cut the deficit, but we punish them when they do, especially when it means that we must lose a local spending project.
This brings us to another point from 2301: The quality of public opinion. Are we truly rational? Do our individual preferences make sense in the aggregate?
Despite being fed a steady diet of political vitriol about the evils of earmarking, Americans are more likely to vote for a congressional candidate who brings home the bacon, according to the latest Society for Human Resource Management/National Journal Congressional Connection Poll, conducted with the Pew Research Center.
In addition, the public is nonplussed about partisan standard-bearers. More respondents by far said it makes no difference to their vote if a candidate is affiliated with President Obama, former Republican Gov. Sarah Palin of Alaska, or the tea party movement.
Funneling money back to the folks back home was the only factor that would indicate support for a congressional candidate.
This applies to both 2301 and 2302.
In 2301 we over elections and the factors which lead voters to choose one candidate or party over the other. While people like to talk about principles, we tend to be driven by pocketbook considerations. Who in fact is going to provide us with the material needs we need to live our lives?
It's a similar point in 2302 when we cover the legislature. We say we don't like earmarks, but we punish members of Congress who don't provide them for us. Member of Congress know this, and it helps explain why they seldom give serious thought to deficit cutting. Again, we like it when they say they want to cut the deficit, but we punish them when they do, especially when it means that we must lose a local spending project.
This brings us to another point from 2301: The quality of public opinion. Are we truly rational? Do our individual preferences make sense in the aggregate?
Tuesday, August 3, 2010
Blogs v Science
An author wonders why science blogs, at least the popular ones, spend so little time discussing science:
Clearly I’ve been out of some loop for too long, but does everyone take for granted now that science sites are where graduate students, researchers, doctors and the “skeptical community” go not to interpret data or review experiments but to chip off one-liners, promote their books and jeer at smokers, fat people and churchgoers? And can anyone who still enjoys this class-inflected bloodsport tell me why it has to happen under the banner of science?
The same point can be made about political sites of course. Perhaps there's something in the medium itself that encourages the juvenile, or are we living in a superficial age?
Clearly I’ve been out of some loop for too long, but does everyone take for granted now that science sites are where graduate students, researchers, doctors and the “skeptical community” go not to interpret data or review experiments but to chip off one-liners, promote their books and jeer at smokers, fat people and churchgoers? And can anyone who still enjoys this class-inflected bloodsport tell me why it has to happen under the banner of science?
The same point can be made about political sites of course. Perhaps there's something in the medium itself that encourages the juvenile, or are we living in a superficial age?
Monday, July 26, 2010
From Jefferson's Letter to Francis Hopkinson
I'm preparing notes for the upcoming section on political parties for my 2301's and I came across an extended quote from Jefferson's Letter to Francis Hopkins. This is where the smaller quote: "If I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all" comes from. It places the quote in some context:
Paris, Mar. 13, 1789.
Dear Sir,
— * * * You say that I have been dished up to you as an antifederalist, and ask me if it be just. My opinion was never worthy enough of notice to merit citing; but since you ask it I will tell it you. I am not a Federalist, because I never submitted the whole system of my opinions to the creed of any party of men whatever in religion, in philosophy, in politics, or in anything else where I was capable of thinking for myself. Such an addiction is the last degradation of a free and moral agent. If I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all. Therefore I protest to you I am not of the party of federalists. But I am much farther from that of the Antifederalists. I approved, from the first moment, of the great mass of what is in the new constitution, the consolidation of the government, the organization into Executive legislative & judiciary, the subdivision of the legislative, the happy compromise of interests between the great & little states by the different manner of voting in the different houses, the voting by persons instead of states, the qualified negative on laws given to the Executive which however I should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also as in New York, and the power of taxation. I thought at first that the latter might have been limited. A little reflection soon convinced me it ought not to be. What I disapproved from the first moment also was the want of a bill of rights to guard liberty against the legislative as well as executive branches of the government, that is to say to secure freedom in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies, freedom from unlawful imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military, and a trial by jury in all cases determinable by the laws of the land. I disapproved also the perpetual reeligibility of the President. To these points of disapprobation I adhere. My first wish was that the 9. first conventions might accept the constitution, as the means of securing to us the great mass of good it contained, and that the 4. last might reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments. But I was corrected in this wish the moment I saw the much better plan of Massachusetts and which had never occurred to me. With respect to the declaration of rights I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opinion: for I apprehend all the antifederalists, and a very respectable proportion of the federalists think that such a declaration should now be annexed. The enlightened part of Europe have given us the greatest credit for inventing this instrument of security for the rights of the people, and have been not a little surprised to see us so soon give it up. With respect to the re-eligibility of the president, I find myself differing from the majority of my countrymen, for I think there are but three states out of the 11. which have desired an alteration of this. And indeed, since the thing is established, I would wish it not to be altered during the life of our great leader, whose executive talents are superior to those I believe of any man in the world, and who alone by the authority of his name and the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put the new government so under way as to secure it against the efforts of opposition. But having derived from our error all the good there was in it I hope we shall correct it the moment we can no longer have the same name at the helm. These, my dear friend, are my sentiments, by which you will see I was right in saying I am neither federalist nor antifederalist; that I am of neither party, nor yet a trimmer between parties. These my opinions I wrote within a few hours after I had read the constitution, to one or two friends in America. I had not then read one single word printed on the subject. I never had an opinion in politics or religion which I was afraid to own. A costive reserve on these subjects might have procured me more esteem from some people, but less from myself. My great wish is to go on in a strict but silent performance of my duty; to avoid attracting notice & to keep my name out of newspapers, because I find the pain of a little censure, even when it is unfounded, is more acute than the pleasure of much praise. The attaching circumstance of my present office is that I can do it’s duties unseen by those for whom they are done.—You did not think, by so short a phrase in your letter, to have drawn on yourself such an egotistical dissertation.
Link to the Online Library of Liberty.
Paris, Mar. 13, 1789.
Dear Sir,
— * * * You say that I have been dished up to you as an antifederalist, and ask me if it be just. My opinion was never worthy enough of notice to merit citing; but since you ask it I will tell it you. I am not a Federalist, because I never submitted the whole system of my opinions to the creed of any party of men whatever in religion, in philosophy, in politics, or in anything else where I was capable of thinking for myself. Such an addiction is the last degradation of a free and moral agent. If I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all. Therefore I protest to you I am not of the party of federalists. But I am much farther from that of the Antifederalists. I approved, from the first moment, of the great mass of what is in the new constitution, the consolidation of the government, the organization into Executive legislative & judiciary, the subdivision of the legislative, the happy compromise of interests between the great & little states by the different manner of voting in the different houses, the voting by persons instead of states, the qualified negative on laws given to the Executive which however I should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also as in New York, and the power of taxation. I thought at first that the latter might have been limited. A little reflection soon convinced me it ought not to be. What I disapproved from the first moment also was the want of a bill of rights to guard liberty against the legislative as well as executive branches of the government, that is to say to secure freedom in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies, freedom from unlawful imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military, and a trial by jury in all cases determinable by the laws of the land. I disapproved also the perpetual reeligibility of the President. To these points of disapprobation I adhere. My first wish was that the 9. first conventions might accept the constitution, as the means of securing to us the great mass of good it contained, and that the 4. last might reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments. But I was corrected in this wish the moment I saw the much better plan of Massachusetts and which had never occurred to me. With respect to the declaration of rights I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opinion: for I apprehend all the antifederalists, and a very respectable proportion of the federalists think that such a declaration should now be annexed. The enlightened part of Europe have given us the greatest credit for inventing this instrument of security for the rights of the people, and have been not a little surprised to see us so soon give it up. With respect to the re-eligibility of the president, I find myself differing from the majority of my countrymen, for I think there are but three states out of the 11. which have desired an alteration of this. And indeed, since the thing is established, I would wish it not to be altered during the life of our great leader, whose executive talents are superior to those I believe of any man in the world, and who alone by the authority of his name and the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put the new government so under way as to secure it against the efforts of opposition. But having derived from our error all the good there was in it I hope we shall correct it the moment we can no longer have the same name at the helm. These, my dear friend, are my sentiments, by which you will see I was right in saying I am neither federalist nor antifederalist; that I am of neither party, nor yet a trimmer between parties. These my opinions I wrote within a few hours after I had read the constitution, to one or two friends in America. I had not then read one single word printed on the subject. I never had an opinion in politics or religion which I was afraid to own. A costive reserve on these subjects might have procured me more esteem from some people, but less from myself. My great wish is to go on in a strict but silent performance of my duty; to avoid attracting notice & to keep my name out of newspapers, because I find the pain of a little censure, even when it is unfounded, is more acute than the pleasure of much praise. The attaching circumstance of my present office is that I can do it’s duties unseen by those for whom they are done.—You did not think, by so short a phrase in your letter, to have drawn on yourself such an egotistical dissertation.
Link to the Online Library of Liberty.
Sunday, July 25, 2010
The Roberts Court Tilts to the Right
This is hardly news, but this NYT article provides empirical support for the nature of the conservative
direction the Supreme Court has taken since Roberts and Alito joined it.
direction the Supreme Court has taken since Roberts and Alito joined it.
Extra Credit Book Review - Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error.
I'm adding a new feature to the class. For anyone needing extra credit, I'd like you to review a recently published book. This one caught my eye this week: Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error. Here's the NYT review.
It seems to touch an an intersting point that applies to politics and governance: Why is it so difficult for people to admit that they are wrong?
It seems to touch an an intersting point that applies to politics and governance: Why is it so difficult for people to admit that they are wrong?
Friday, July 23, 2010
Does the Web and Cable News Promote Rage?
A couple of comments on the recent -- and brief -- political controversy involving Shirley Sherrod argue that the 24/7 news cycle and web based commentary fuel hysterical, hateful and unreasonable political discourse.
Is deliberative democracy, or self government in general, possible in this environment? Would politics be as virulent if media technology was slower?
- The Market for Reason.
- The Age of Rage.
Is deliberative democracy, or self government in general, possible in this environment? Would politics be as virulent if media technology was slower?
- The Market for Reason.
- The Age of Rage.
Topics - 7/23/10
In the news, and relevant to the subject matter:
- The House Ethics Committee is set to try Rep. Charles Rangel for ethics violations.
- Democratic House Campaign Committee outlines effort to retain House Majority.
- Climate Bill to be trimmed.
- The House Ethics Committee is set to try Rep. Charles Rangel for ethics violations.
- Democratic House Campaign Committee outlines effort to retain House Majority.
- Climate Bill to be trimmed.
Thursday, July 22, 2010
Travelling the Ozarks
I've been driving through the Ozarks the past few day (I'm sitting in a motel in Hot Springs Ark at the moment) so I've no had time to keep up on posts. I'll fill in blanks when I come back home.
- Here's a start: Finance Reform Legislation is signed into law.
- Here's a start: Finance Reform Legislation is signed into law.
Saturday, July 17, 2010
Discussion Question - 7/17/10
I'm fielding discussion questions from Blackboard and wanted to add some of what's popped up from them.
In response to a question about whether we are in fact a country based on consent -- or if we are just another coercive society -- we touched on Chomsky's theory of "manufactured consent" and the classic doctrine of "ordered liberty" (which I did not know also applied to the extent of 14th Amendment protections).
Some links I ran across:
- answer.com on ordered liberty.
- an essay on Edmund Burke.
- an essay on ordered liberty.
- something from the Acton Institute.
- the wikipedia for Manufacturing Consent.
I'll be back with more.
In response to a question about whether we are in fact a country based on consent -- or if we are just another coercive society -- we touched on Chomsky's theory of "manufactured consent" and the classic doctrine of "ordered liberty" (which I did not know also applied to the extent of 14th Amendment protections).
Some links I ran across:
- answer.com on ordered liberty.
- an essay on Edmund Burke.
- an essay on ordered liberty.
- something from the Acton Institute.
- the wikipedia for Manufacturing Consent.
I'll be back with more.
Thursday, July 15, 2010
FCC Ruling on Fleeting Expletives Overturned
From the New York Times:
A federal appeals court struck down a Federal Communications Commission policy on indecency Tuesday, saying that regulations barring the use of “fleeting expletives” on radio and television violated the First Amendment because they were vague and could inhibit free speech.
...
In a unanimous three-judge decision, the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New York said that the F.C.C.’s current policy created “a chilling effect that goes far beyond the fleeting expletives at issue here” because it left broadcasters without a reliable guide to what the commission would find offensive.
The appeals court emphasized that it was not precluding federal regulation of broadcast standards. “We do not suggest that the F.C.C. could not create a constitutional policy,” the court said. “We hold only that the F.C.C.’s current policy fails constitutional scrutiny.”
More from ScotuBlog.
This is the latest stage of the saga of FCC v Fox, which is more about the vagueness of rules rather than speech -- as far as I can tell anyway. The FCC may be able to punish broadcasters for these outbursts, but it has to be able to clearly and non-capriciously define them. That seems to be a difficult thing to do.
- What is a fleeting expletive?
A federal appeals court struck down a Federal Communications Commission policy on indecency Tuesday, saying that regulations barring the use of “fleeting expletives” on radio and television violated the First Amendment because they were vague and could inhibit free speech.
...
In a unanimous three-judge decision, the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New York said that the F.C.C.’s current policy created “a chilling effect that goes far beyond the fleeting expletives at issue here” because it left broadcasters without a reliable guide to what the commission would find offensive.
The appeals court emphasized that it was not precluding federal regulation of broadcast standards. “We do not suggest that the F.C.C. could not create a constitutional policy,” the court said. “We hold only that the F.C.C.’s current policy fails constitutional scrutiny.”
More from ScotuBlog.
This is the latest stage of the saga of FCC v Fox, which is more about the vagueness of rules rather than speech -- as far as I can tell anyway. The FCC may be able to punish broadcasters for these outbursts, but it has to be able to clearly and non-capriciously define them. That seems to be a difficult thing to do.
- What is a fleeting expletive?
Party Leader?
House Democrats accuse Obama of favoring Senate Democrats and hanging them out to dry on key votes. Part of a president's job is to be party leader. This raises questions about Obama's effectiveness in that role.
Did George Washington Really add "So Help Me God" to the Presidential Oath of Office?
Thanks to a student for pointing this story out to me. The common story, which I've repeated, is that Washington altered the presidential oath of office to include "so help me God" at the end, thus beginning a tradition that lasts til today.
A historian points out that not only is there no evidence from that time that he did so (the story evolved decades later) altering the oath seem not to be the sort of thing Washington would have been inclined to do -- having just approved the oath as written in the Constitution. There's more to the argument.
Reminds me of the story regarding the cherry tree (look here and here).
This fits into our discussion of the personal presidency, the efforts to define in terms of the characters of the individuals who occupy it. The stories reflect less on Washington than on what we (or more appropriately the storytellers) want to believe about historical figures.
Please send more.
A historian points out that not only is there no evidence from that time that he did so (the story evolved decades later) altering the oath seem not to be the sort of thing Washington would have been inclined to do -- having just approved the oath as written in the Constitution. There's more to the argument.
Reminds me of the story regarding the cherry tree (look here and here).
This fits into our discussion of the personal presidency, the efforts to define in terms of the characters of the individuals who occupy it. The stories reflect less on Washington than on what we (or more appropriately the storytellers) want to believe about historical figures.
Please send more.
Wednesday, July 14, 2010
Adjusting the Electoral College
The New York Senate has voted to alter how it allocates its electoral college vote. They will all be assigned to the candidate that wins the national popular vote.
Welcome Summer 2 Students
The second summer session is about to start and I want to welcome students aboard. You should use this blog as the primary way to access current news as it relates to class material. Comments are always welcomed.
Thursday, July 8, 2010
Souter's Speech
Something to read through today: Ex-Justice David Souter's recent speech at Harvard about his approach to the Constitution.
Wednesday, July 7, 2010
Topics for 7/7/10
- The Justice Department files a lawsuits against Arizona's immigration law. File this under federalism, U. S. Constitution, checks and balances, executive departments and the judiciary. For 2302s note that this was done at the discretion of the Attorney General, the Justice Department is to be independent of the White House so it cannot be used for political purposes.
- The gay marriage controversy seems destined to be settle in the courts. What impact might Elena Kagan have on such a decision? File this under civil rights, federalism, checks and balances and the judiciary
- The gay marriage controversy seems destined to be settle in the courts. What impact might Elena Kagan have on such a decision? File this under civil rights, federalism, checks and balances and the judiciary
Tuesday, July 6, 2010
Topics for 7/6/10
Yesterday we watched the first part of the Kagan confirmation hearings -- Leahy's opening remarks. Today we will watch Session's remarks and as much of what follows as we can handle.
I also want to read through this article on the Robert Court's coming of age (the NYT editorializes that it was "aggressive"). It contains a graphic that outlines the major cases of this terms and how the justices voted on them.
In Texas news, the Texas Supreme Court clears the way for the Green Party to be on the November ballot.
I also want to read through this article on the Robert Court's coming of age (the NYT editorializes that it was "aggressive"). It contains a graphic that outlines the major cases of this terms and how the justices voted on them.
In Texas news, the Texas Supreme Court clears the way for the Green Party to be on the November ballot.
Monday, July 5, 2010
Some Bits for Today: 7/5/10
- Maryland is one of several states that must periodically decide whether to rewrite it's constitution.
- Debate continues over unemployment benefit extension. See unemployment data from the BLS for background.
- Teachers' union upset with Obama.
- The perks of seniority.
- Conflict between Obama's economic and political advisers.
- Commerce Clause in the news.
- From "subjects" to "citizens."
- Video of the Kagan hearings.
- Debate continues over unemployment benefit extension. See unemployment data from the BLS for background.
- Teachers' union upset with Obama.
- The perks of seniority.
- Conflict between Obama's economic and political advisers.
- Commerce Clause in the news.
- From "subjects" to "citizens."
- Video of the Kagan hearings.
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